experiences of racism and discrimination

SCHOLARSHIP WITH COMMITMENT SERIES
T I AG O S A N TO S
C ATA R I N A R E I S O L I V E I R A
E D I T E RO S Á R I O
RAHUL KUMAR
E L I S A B E T E B R I G A D E I RO
#
1
RESEARCH
SURVEY ON MIGRANTS’
EXPERIENCES OF RACISM
AND DISCRIMINATION
IN PORTUGAL
1
S C H O L A R S H I P
W I T H
C ATA R I N A R E I S O L I V E I R A
E D I T E RO S Á R I O
RAHUL KUMAR
E L I S A B E T E B R I G A D E I RO
C O M M I T M E N T
T I AG O S A N TO S
RESEARCH
SURVEY ON MIGRANTS’
EXPERIENCES OF RACISM
AND DISCRIMINATION
IN PORTUGAL
S E R I E S
TECHNICAL DATA
CIP CATALOGATION
Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal – Catalogação na Publicação
Research survey on migrants’ experiences of racism
and xenophobia in Portugal / Tiago Santos… [et al.].
(Scholarship with commitment series ; 1)
ISBN 989-95244-0-9
I – SANTOS, Tiago, 1973 CDU 314
316
PROPERTY
Númena - Centro de Investigação em Ciências Sociais e Humanas
Taguspark - Parque de Ciência e Tecnologia
Núcleo Central, 379
2740-122 Porto Salvo
www.numena.org.pt
DESIGN/ ARTWORK/ PRINT
Golpe de Estado/ Inês Costa/ SIG - Sociedade Industrial Gráfica, Lda.
SPONSORS
3
TABLE OF CONTENTS
4
TA B L E O F C O N T E N T S
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 09
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
1. INTRODUCTION: IMMIGRATION TO PORTUGAL
1.1. IMMIGRANT MINORITIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.1. THE CAPE VERDEAN IMMIGRATION . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.2. THE GUINEA-BISSAUAN IMMIGRATION . . . . . . . .
1.1.3. THE BRAZILIAN IMMIGRATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.1.4. THE UKRAINIAN IMMIGRATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.2. THE ROMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
1.3. POTENTIAL AREAS OF CONFLICT . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
15
15
17
18
19
20
21
22
2. DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1. SAMPLE DESIGN . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.1.1. THE FOUR MIGRANT GROUPS: DEVELOPING A MEANINGFUL SAMPLE .
2.1.2. THE ROMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2. SAMPLE IMPLEMENTATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.1. LISBOA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.2. NORTE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.3. CENTRO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.4. ALENTEJO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.5. ALGARVE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.6. AÇORES AND MADEIRA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.2.7. THE ROMA: A SPECIAL CASE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.3. TEAM RECRUITMENT AND TRAINING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.4. QUESTIONNAIRE ADAPTATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.5. FIELDWORK REPORT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
2.6. DATA CLEANING, CODING AND RECORDING . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
25
25
25
26
26
27
28
28
28
28
28
28
28
29
29
30
3. PRESENTATION OF RESULTS
3.1. DEMOGRAPHICS . . . . . . . .
3.1.1. GENDER . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.2. REGION . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.3. AGE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.4. LENGTH OF STAY . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
33
33
33
34
34
35
36
37
38
39
39
40
41
.
.
.
.
.
.
3.1.5. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
3.1.6. HIGHEST COMPLETED EDUCATION FROM NATIVE COUNTRY
3.1.7. COMPLETION OF FURTHER EDUCATION IN PORTUGAL . . . .
3.1.8. HIGHEST COMPLETED EDUCATION IN PORTUGAL . . . . . . . .
3.1.9. HIGHEST OVERALL EDUCATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.10. HAS A JOB/EMPLOYMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
3.1.11. OCCUPATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
5
3.2. EMPLOYMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2.1. NOT BEEN OFFERED A JOB . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42
3.2.2. MISSED PROMOTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 44
3.2.3. HARASSMENT AT WORK . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
3.3. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
3.3.1. HARASSMENT BY NEIGHBOURS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
3.3.2. THREATS, INSULTS OR OTHER FORMS OF HARASSMENT ON THE STREETS . . . . . . . . . . . 47
3.3.3. SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48
3.3.4. BADLY TREATED AT SCHOOL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49
3.4. SHOPS AND RESTAURANTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
3.4.1. REFUSED ENTRY INTO A SHOP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
3.4.2. REFUSED ENTRY TO A RESTAURANT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51
3.4.3. BAD TREATMENT WHEN VISITING A RESTAURANT OR BUYING SOMETHING . . . . . . . . . 53
3.5. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53
3.5.1. DENIED THE OPPORTUNITY TO BUY OR RENT AN APARTMENT OR HOUSE . . . . . . . . . . 54
3.5.2. DENIED THE POSSIBILITY TO HIRE SOMETHING OR BUY SOMETHING ON CREDIT . . . . . 55
3.6. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
3.6.1. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE EMPLOYMENT AGENCY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56
3.6.2. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL INSURANCE OFFICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58
3.6.3. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE HEALTHCARE SERVICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 59
3.6.4. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL SERVICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 60
3.6.5. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE POLICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61
6
3.6.6. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE BORDERS AND FOREIGNERS SERVICE . . . . . . 63
3.7. SUBJECTIVE INTEGRATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.7.1. MAKE PORTUGUESE FRIENDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64
3.7.2. SENSE OF BELONGING TO PORTUGAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65
3.7.3. FEELING OF BELONGING TO HOMELAND/CULTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 66
3.7.4. SOCIALISE WITH PEOPLE FROM YOUR COUNTRY OF ORIGIN/ETHNIC MINORITY . . . . . . 66
3.7.5. SOCIALISE WITH OTHER IMMIGRANT / PEOPLE FROM OTHER ETHNIC MINORITIES . . . . . 67
3.7.6. SOCIALISE WITH PORTUGUESE / MEMBERS OF THE ETHNIC MAJORITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
3.7.7. PERCEPTION OF THE EVOLUTION OF XENOPHOBIA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68
3.7.8. KNOWLEDGE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR IMMIGRATION
AND ETHNIC MINORITIES (ACIME) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 69
4. COMPARISON WITH PREVIOUS SURVEYS
4.1. THE METHOD . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2. THE RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.1. EMPLOYMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.1.1. NOT BEEN OFFERED A JOB . . . . .
4.2.1.2. MISSED PROMOTION . . . . . . . . .
4.2.1.3. HARASSMENT AT WORK . . . . . . .
4.2.2. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS . . .
4.2.2.1. HARASSMENT BY NEIGHBOURS .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
4.2.2.2. THREATS, INSULTS OR OTHER FORMS OF HARASSMENT ON THE STREETS .
4.2.2.3. SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
4.2.2.4. BADLY TREATED AT SCHOOL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
73
73
73
73
73
74
75
75
75
76
76
76
4.2.3. SHOPS AND RESTAURANTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
4.2.3.1. REFUSED ENTRY INTO A SHOP . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
4.2.3.2. REFUSED ENTRY TO A RESTAURANT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 76
4.2.3.3. BAD TREATMENT WHEN VISITING A RESTAURANT OR BUYING SOMETHING . . . . . 77
4.2.4. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
4.2.4.1. DENIED THE OPPORTUNITY TO BUY OR RENT AN APARTMENT OR HOUSE . . . . . . 77
4.2.4.2. DENIED THE POSSIBILITY TO HIRE SOMETHING OR BUY SOMETHING ON CREDIT . . . 77
4.2.5. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
4.2.5.1. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE EMPLOYMENT AGENCY . . . . . . . . . . . . 77
4.2.5.2. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL INSURANCE OFFICE . . . . . . . . . 78
4.2.5.3. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE HEALTHCARE SERVICES . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
4.2.5.4. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL SERVICES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
4.2.5.5. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE POLICE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
4.2.6. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 78
5. SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1. RESULTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.1. DEMOGRAPHICS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.2. THE FIVE DOMAINS OF DISCRIMINATION . . .
5.1.2.1. EMPLOYMENT . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.2.2. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS . . . .
5.1.2.3. RESTAURANTS AND SHOPS . . . . . . . . . .
5.1.2.4. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS . . . . . . .
5.1.2.5. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION . . . .
5.1.3. SUBJECTIVE INTEGRATION . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
81
81
81
81
81
82
82
83
83
83
6. RECOMMENDATIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87
ANNEXES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
TABLES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
CENSUS DATA . . . . . . . .
INTENDED SAMPLES . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
INTERVIEWS AND REFUSALS
.
RESULTING SAMPLES . . . . .
.
ABSOLUTE VALUES . . . . . . .
.
QUESTIONNAIRES . . . . . . . .
.
BRAZILIANS, CAPE VERDEANS AND GUINEA-BISSAUANS .
UKRAINIANS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ROMA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
.
. 89
. 89
. 89
. 91
. 93
. 95
. 96
106
106
111
116
7
PREFACE
8
PREFACE
This research, carried out by Tiago Santos, Catarina Reis Oliveira, Edite Rosário, Rahul Kumar and
Elisabete Brigadeiro, analyses the perceptions of racism and discrimination by minorities living in
Portugal. It fills an important gap in the literature on relations between minorities, the majority
and institutions.
Portugal is now not only a country of emigrants, but also a country of immigrants. Indeed,
official statistics show that 5% of people living in Portugal are legal immigrants. The transformation
of Portugal into a country of immigration started at the beginning of the 1970s, but it was only
in the late 1990s that significant inward migration flows occurred, as well as significant changes
in the composition of immigrants by country of origin. The first main contribution of this report
to the body of knowledge on immigration in Portugal is exactly a detailed analysis of the origins
and of the socio-demographic characteristics of immigrants living in Portugal. The analysis undertaken shows a great diversity between groups of immigrants concerning their socio-demographic
profiles, an issue with implications for the design of social policies and for understanding strategies
of integration.
One of the difficulties that this study has positively resolved relates to the construction of
samples. Due to the impossibility of the construction of a probabilistic sample, the authors used
a set of procedures that allowed them to propose four accurate samples of immigrants
(Brazilians, Cape Verdeans, Guineans and Ukrainians) and a sample of Portuguese Roma. Despite
the fact that the authors’ choice of groups of immigrants could be seen as a matter for debate,
the report offers a very complete panorama on the perceived discrimination by immigrants
from different continents (South America, Eastern Europe and Africa), with various religious affiliations, various relationships with the Portuguese language and, more importantly, with different
skin colours.
In this research, discrimination is studied in relation to five dimensions of everyday life:
employment, private and public arenas, restaurants and shops, commercial transactions and
institutional discrimination. A sixth analytical dimension examined the subjective integration of
immigrants into Portuguese society. Based on diverse fields of social life, the study offers a detailed
analysis of perceived discrimination and shows when and in what contexts people are more
likely to admit that they are the objects of unfair treatment. However, the report may give the
impression that Portuguese people and Portuguese institutions - perhaps the former more
so than the latter - are relatively tolerant. The panorama is probably more complex and some
theoretical contextualisation of this kind of research may help to understand the meaning of the
results obtained.
9
10
1
This research is an international
comparative research. Consequently, it
was not possible for the authors to
change the questionnaire used and it was
really difficult to ask the same question
twice (once relating to the individual
level and once to the group level).
2
Crosby, F. (1982). Relative deprivation
and working women. New York: Oxford
University Press.
3
Lopes, D. (2003). Percepção de
discriminação e imagens da sociedade
portuguesa. In J. Vala (Org.), Simetrias e
Identidades: Jovens Negros em Portugal.
Oeiras: Celta.
4
Correia, I. (2003), Concertos e
desconcertos na procura de um mundo
concertado: crença num mundo justo,
inocência da vítima e vitimização
secundária, Lisboa: FCG/FCT
5
Major, B., McCoy, S., Kaiser, C. & Quinton,
W. (2003). Prejudice and self-esteem.
European Journal of Social Psychology,
14, 77-104.
6
Branscombe, N., Schmitt, M., &
Harvey, R. (1999). Perceiving pervasive
discrimination among African Americans:
Implications for group identification and
well-being. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 77, 153-149.
In the questionnaire used in the research, respondents were asked about their perception of
personal discrimination in different domains of social life. None of the questions evaluated
discrimination at the group level.1 However, some years ago Faye Crosby,2 a researcher of gender
discrimination, discovered different patterns for judgements about groups and for judgements
about the self related to discrimination and relative deprivation. Crosby showed that people are
more resistant to recognising themselves as victims of an injustice than to recognising that the
group as a whole is the object of discrimination. In this line, some studies have verified that few
women were able to recall a situation of personal discrimination, but that the great majority
easily recalled an example of group discrimination. Studies carried out in Portugal also verified
that young Black people express more discrimination when they are questioned about the
in-group than when the questions refer to their personal experiences.3 Since the present
research only examined perceived discrimination at a personal level, it can be inferred that the
experience of discrimination is higher than the one people accepted to describe.
In order to understand the meaning of the answers given it is also important to examine why
people express more discrimination at group level than at individual level. Two main categories
of explanatory factors have been explored in the theoretical and empirical investigation:
cognitive factors and motivational factors. Cognitive factors refer, for instance, to the fact that
people explain specific individual cases of negative outcomes in reference to multiple factors,
discrimination and prejudice being one of the possible explanations, whereas negative outcomes
for groups facilitate the association between facts, discrimination and prejudice. Moreover, group
discrimination calls for in-group vs. out-group comparisons and, consequently, the probability of
paying attention to the negative situation of a minoritarian in-group is higher.
Motivational factors that explain the discrepancy between personal vs. group discrimination are
also very diverse. For instance, Faye Crosby suggests that negating personal discrimination allows
individuals to maintain a perception of control over the external world, to maintain their belief
in a just world,4 and to avoid the need to react to the perpetrator of the discriminatory
behaviour, protecting individuals from the potential negative consequences of declaring that they
were object of discrimination.
The present report is also important because it stimulates the analysis of the psychological
consequences of being discriminated. To be discriminated implies to objectively lose something
and to be deprived of a right, but it also implies psychological consequences. Research into this
domain showed that the perception of discrimination or of relative deprivation at the group
level facilitates personal involvement in collective action and social protest. However, at the
individual level the possible psychological consequences of being discriminated against are more
complex. Some research has shown that, at least in certain social contexts, the experience of
personal discrimination does not affect self-esteem and well-being.5 These results were integrated
into the so-called “discounting hypothesis”, a hypothesis proposing that people who are
the object of discrimination can evoke that the negative treatment they receive is not due to a
personal feature or behaviour, but rather to prejudice or to the injustice of the social system as
a whole. However, other studies present a negative correlation between the personal experience
of discrimination and the perception of well-being. In a complementary perspective, a third
line of research shows that in most situations personal discrimination fosters positive in-group
identification, and in-group identification in turn fosters a positive self-esteem.6 This latter perspective may indicate that when discrimination leads to in-group identification and the in-group
is positively evaluated, then in-group identification facilitates a reactive positive self-esteem.
Nevertheless, when it is not possible to enjoy the protection of the group, discrimination leads
to negative self-esteem.
In summary, this report makes a significant contribution to knowledge on the perceived
reaction of Portuguese people to immigration and immigrants, and constitutes a stimulus to
opening up theoretical perspectives that can contribute to a better understanding of the
opacity of discrimination and of its consequences.
Jorge Vala
11
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The team which conducted the study and wrote the present report would like to acknowledge its debt to the following institutions and private persons: the Employment and Vocational
Training Institute, for its contribution to Mr. Kumar's training fellowship; the Ministry for Science,
Technology and Higher Education and the National Statistical Institute, for the statistical data
used to stratify the samples of foreigners; the researchers Mário Lages and Verónica Policarpo,
Centre for Opinion Polls of the Catholic University of Portugal, for kindly sharing unpublished
data, which helped in our choice of migrant groups; Professor Maria Ioannis Baganha, Centre for
Social Studies of the University of Coimbra, for allowing Mrs. Reis Oliveira to get involved in this
project; Heliana Bibas and Maria João Taborda, Casa do Brasil de Lisboa; José Brasil, Sueli and
Carlos, Associação Mais Brasil; Ricardo Amaral Pessôa, Associação Brasileira de Portugal; Edison
de Angelo, Brasup; Alcestina Tolentino, Associação Cabo-Verdiana de Lisboa; Avelino Varela,
Associação Cabo-Verdiana do Algarve; Midana Nandigna, Associação de Juventude Luso
Brasileira Pontos nos Is; Ana Correia and Fernando Ka, Aguinenso - Associação de Solidariedade
Social; Francisco Fonseca, Associação Unida dos Imigrantes da Guiné-Bissau em Portugal; Sheikh
Munir, Mesquita Central de Lisboa; Padre Iosapath, Igreja de Arroios; Padre Arsénio, Convento
dos Cardeais; Padre Ilan, Faro; Padre Alexandre Bonito, paróquia de SS. Nectário e Gregório V;
Roman Curbanov, Drujba; Natasha Lemos, CAPELA.; supermercados IEVE; Marlene Fernandes,
Olho Vivo; Cristina Marques, Sunrise - C.T. Calçado; Anabela Martins, Ana Luísa Domingos and
Sílvia Vicente, MAPS; Magda Vieira, OIM; Rosário Farmhouse, Susana Figueirinhas and Rita
Raimundo, Serviço Jesuíta aos Refugiados; Alberto Matos, Solidariedade Imigrante; Leoter
Soares, Associação dos Imigrantes nos Açores; Joaquim Abreu de Sá, Pastor Ludger, Pastor Niso,
Pastor Candinho, Meninho and José Pinto Sousa, Igreja Evangélica de Filadélfia; Vitor Marques,
União Romani; Bruno Gonçalves; Joaquim Cardoso, Associação Cigana de Coimbra; Maria
Augusta Rocha, Anthropology Department of the University of Coimbra; Francisco Monteiro,
Obra Nacional da Pastoral dos Ciganos; Cristina Padez, Centro de Investigação em
Antropologia; Anabela Abreu, Associação Raízes Calé; Obra Católica Portuguesa das Migrações;
Adérito Montes, APODEC; the embassy of Brazil; M'Bala Fernandes at the embassy of GuineaBissau; Mrs Nina e Svetlana at the embassy of Ukraine; Rui Marques, Bernardo Soares, Euclides
dos Santos, Nuno Guimarães and Francisca Teixeira, High Commission for Immigration and
Ethnic Minorities; and, finally, Bruno Dias and Tiago Ralha, Númena. Our most sincere apologies
to all we may have unwittingly forgotten to mention; As goes without saying, while the study
wouldn't have been possible without the support of all these people, the signing team remains
solely responsible for its failings.
13
#1 INTRODUCTION:
IMMIGRATION TO PORTUGAL
1. INTRODUCTION: IMMIGRATION TO PORTUGAL
Númena [núminα] is a non-profit organisation committed to research and development in the
domain of the Social Sciences and Humanities. Our research interests span through several
fields, among which racial and ethnic discrimination. Working in this field, we are well aware
that Portugal chronically lacks indicators of such phenomena. It was thus with unmitigated
enthusiasm that we answered the EUMC's call for tender regarding a research project in this
very area.
1.1. IMMIGRANT MINORITIES
Immigration to Portugal is a recent phenomenon. Portugal continues to be a sending country
and it is estimated that almost 5,500,000 Portuguese (which is more than a half of the total
Portuguese resident population) reside abroad.1 Mass immigration to Portugal, as to other
Southern European countries,2 only dates back to the mid-1970s. The comparison of the data
collected in the Census of 1960 and 1981 reveals the demographic change through which
Portugal became also a host nation. Between those two decades, the native population grew 12
per cent, while foreigners with legal residence grew 313 per cent.
The end of the dictatorial regime in 1974 and the consequent change of political, economic and
social structures were responsible for the modification in Portuguese migration patterns.3
Emigration retracted during that decade, and the independence of the African former colonies
determined the arrival of repatriates, asylum seekers and return migrants. Between 1974 and
1975 arrived a half a million people who were generally categorized as retornados4 (repatriates)
in everyday speech.
New labour migrant flows from Africa also enlarged the influxes of people in those years. This
immigration was in fact a prolongation of previous flows which had started in the 1960s, mainly caused by migrant labour recruitment promulgated by Government in answer to a strong
demand in the construction and public works sector. The shortage of labour was caused by the
Portuguese emigration and the military draft to the colonial wars.5
At that time immigrants came mainly from specific African countries that were Portuguese
colonies until the 1970s (e.g., Cape Verde, Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea Bissau). In other
words, the historical links between Portugal and the former colonies shaped the earlier
immigration flows. It is difficult to estimate the exact number of immigrants that arrived during
the 1960s since those who came from former colonies had, until 1975, a Portuguese passport.
Even so, they created the first strong rise of the total number of foreigners in Portugal.
Moreover, whereas in the 1970s immigration was mainly composed of asylum seekers and
return migrants, in the following decades the inflows were mainly composed of labour
migration.6
By 1980 the number of foreigners with legal residence in Portugal represented 0.5 per cent of
the total Portuguese population. But between 1980 and 1999, the foreign population with legal
residence grew from 58,000 to 191,000. Africans constituted the major foreign group, followed
by EU Europeans and Americans, up until the end of the 1990s. Taking single nationalities, Cape
Verdeans (the larger group), Brazilians, Angolans, and citizens from Guinea-Bissau and United
Kingdom were the major groups. As Peixoto7 highlights, these figures reflect the three major
components of foreign immigration during these two decades: African labour migrants, mainly
coming from former colonies; European professionals and retired citizens from EU; and, finally, a
counter-current flow of former Portuguese emigration coming from America. Until the 1980s
the immigration to Portugal was particularly associated with the demand of certain economic
sectors (e.g., construction and public works). It was only by the mid-1980s that a diversification
15
Lopes, P. (1999) Portugal: Holograma
da Mobilidade Humana, Lisboa: Editora
Rei dos Livros.
1
King, R. (2000) "Southern Europe in
the Changing Global Map of Migration",
in King, R. et al., Eldorado or Fortress?
Migration in Southern Europe, London:
MacMillan Press, pp. 3 - 26.
2
3
Esteves, M. et al. (1991) Portugal, País
de Imigração, Lisboa: IED.
4
Pires, R. et al. (1984) Os retornados
- um estudo sociográfico, Lisboa: IED.
5
Saint-Maurice, A. et al. (1989)
"Descolonização e migrações. Os
imigrantes dos PALOP em Portugal", in
Revista Internacional de Estudos Africanos,
nº 10 e 11, pp. 203-226.
Machado, F. (1997) "Contornos
e especificidades da imigração
em Portugal", in Sociologia - Problemas
e Práticas, 24, pp. 9-44.
6
See Peixoto, J. (2002) "Strong market,
weak state: the case of recent foreign
immigration in Portugal", in Journal of
Ethnic and Migration Studies, volume 28,
Number 3, July, pp. 483 - 497.
7
of immigrants' professional profiles occurs, mainly with the growth of Europeans from EU and
Americans (including Brazilians), in high qualified professions; and the arrival of Asians, as sales
workers and vendors.8
As Por tugal entered the European Economic Community in 1986 a new incentive to
immigration was created. Furthermore, EEC funds contributed to the development of some
economic sectors, such as construction and public works, and hence led to an increased demand
for migrants to blue-collar occupations (occupation codes 7/8/9) between 1983 and 1990.
The former Portuguese colonies in Africa were the traditional supply sources to this sector, and
to other blue-collar occupations until the end of the 1990s.
Table 1 - Active Immigrants by Occupations in 1983, 1990 and 1998
8
Malheiros, J. (1996) Imigrantes na
região de Lisboa: os anos da mudança,
Lisboa: Edições Colibri.
Occupational codes: 0/1 Professional,
scientific and technical occupations;
2 Executive and managerial occupations;
3 Clerical workers; 4 Sales workers and
vendors; 5 Safety, protection, personal and
domestic workers; 6 Farmers, fishermen,
hunters and similar; 7/8/9 Miners,
industrial workers, workers in transport
occupations and similar (includes
workers in building and construction).
9
16
Baganha, M. et al. (2000), Is an Ethclass
emerging in Europe? The Portuguese Case,
Lisboa: Luso-American Foundation.
10
11
Valente Rosa, M. J. et al. (2004)
Contributos dos imigrantes na demografia
portuguesa, Lisboa: ACIME, p. 46.
12
The first Law regulating the entry,
residence and expulsion of foreigners
was published in 1981 - Portugal / Law
37/81, (03.10.1981). But the Portuguese
legal framework on immigration has
gone through several reforms in the past
decade. That process started with the
replacement of the 1981' Law in 1993,
in 1998, in 2001, in 2003 and in 2004.
Those successive changes were the consequence of Portugal's adherence to the
European Community in 1986, and later
on, its participation in the Schengen zone.
Finally, since 2000, the increase of illegal
immigrants in the country, mainly from
Eastern Europe and more recently from
Brazil required different legal provisions.
13
Peixoto, J. (2002) "Strong market,
weak state: the case of recent foreign
immigration in Portugal", in: Journal of
Ethnic and Migration Studies volume 28,
Number 3, July, pp. 483 - 497.
14
http://www.acime.gov.pt/modules.php
?name=News&file=print&sid=863,
(23.08.2005)
Occupation codes9
1983
1990
1998
0/1
2
3
4
5
6
7/8/9
Active Immigrants
Total
4,082
1,483
1,508
2,743
1,363
895
10,916
22,990
50,750
12,743
3,465
2,592
4,100
1,824
910
26,147
51,781
104,608
21,656
5,163
3,473
7,421
7,555
1,096
42,241
88,603
167,060
Rate of change (%)
1983-90
1990-98
212
70
134
49
72
34
50
81
34
314
2
20
140
62
130
68
106
60
Source: Oliveira, C. (2004) Estratégias empresariais de imigrantes em Portugal, Lisboa: ACIME, p. 79.
Strong pressures for irregular migration also emerged in that period. As a consequence, two
extraordinary regularization processes took place in Portugal as an attempt to integrate
migrants who were living illegally in the country since the mid-1980s. The first, in 1992/93, aimed
to legalize almost 39,000 foreigners, while the second taking place in 1996 reached 35,000
individuals. Consequently, a large number of immigrants that were submerged in the
underground economy came to light.10
By the end of the 1990s, a significant new immigration flow coming from Eastern European
countries occurred. Those inflows were brought about by the collapse of the USSR and the
emergence of the independent post-Soviet states. The majority of those immigrants arrived
illegally. As a consequence, a third process of legalization was launched in January 2001. By the
end of that year 45,233 Ukrainians, 8,984 Moldavians, 7,461 Romanians and 5,022 Russians
regularised their legal status in Portugal.11 Furthermore, since 2000 a significant and illegal inflow
from Brazil altered the characteristics of the Brazilian population that was living in the country
since the 1980s.
This major shift increased the complexity of contemporary migration flows to Portugal and
created new challenges in the control of frontiers. In this context, the Portuguese immigration
policies have been critically discussed and in the past years important changes took place.12 As
a result, the employment of illegal immigrants is now severely punished.13
These new influxes have significantly changed the structure of the immigrant population.
The Brazilians, with 77,000 individuals, became the largest foreign group; the Ukrainians,
counting 66,048 individuals, became the second largest population with legal residence
and the Cape Verdeans, with 63,887 individuals,14 became the third foreign population.
Additionally, if before 1990 immigrants were essentially concentrated in the metropolitan
areas of Lisboa, Faro and Porto, the new flows dispersed along the country, actually reaching
rural areas.
Following these figures, presently the immigrant population represents approximately 4.5 per
cent (465,454 persons) of the total population living in Portugal. Although the rise of the foreign
population in Portugal has not reached yet the proportions observed in other European countries, the settlement of immigrants has been raising new challenges and awareness of discrimination in the country.
1.1.1. THE CAPE VERDEAN IMMIGRATION
The Cape Verdeans are one of the longer established immigrant groups in Portugal and were,
for a long time, the most numerous group of foreigners legally residing in the country (see Table
2). The first significant inflow from Cape Verde dates from the mid-1960s, answering to a rise in
the demand of labour force to manual activities situated mainly in the metropolitan area of
Lisboa. This inflow was actually the result of a deliberately planned Portuguese policy. The
Portuguese emigration to several European countries and the draft for the colonial wars
created a severe shortage of unqualified labour force that the inflow of Cape Verdeans helped
to compensate.15
Table 2 - Foreigners with legal residence in Portugal by selected nationalities, 1986-2003*
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
7,470
7,830
9,333
10,520
11,413
12,678
14,048
14,158
18,612
19,901
20,082
19,990
19,860
20,851
22,222
23,439
24,864
26,661
26,301
26,565
26,953
27,972
28,796
29,743
31,127
31,217
36,560
38,746
39,546
39,789
40,093
43,951
47,092
49,830
52,357
53,858
2,494
2,688
3,021
3,447
3,986
4,770
5,808
5,696
10,828
12,291
12,639
12,785
12,894
14,217
15,936
17,783
19,113
20,209
17
Source: www.ine.pt (05.10.2005)
There are hardly any data from this earlier flow from Cape Verde, since it is only after the independence of the former colonies in 1975 that Cape Verdeans became foreigners. It was after
the decolonization process and the end of the dictatorial regime that the inflow from Cape
Verde increased massively. The creation of informal networks between Portugal and Cape Verde
promoted the arrival of entire generations.
Since the beginning the Cape Verdeans started to be economically integrated in the construction
and public works and manufacturing sectors and (the women) in domestic work and cleaning
activities. This mode of economic integration left them vulnerable to these sectors' inconstant
demand and, consequently, more dependent on social benefits (see Table 3 and Table 4). On the
other hand, Cape Verdeans start to reveal a lower unemployment rate than the other foreign
populations.16 Baganha et al. argue that these figures reflect the strength of the Cape Verdean
"ethnic" network and their privileged position in the construction and public works sector, since
co-ethnics dominate the intermediary level of recruitment.17
Saint-Maurice, A. (1997) Identidades
Reconstruídas - Cabo-verdianos em
Portugal, Oeiras: Celta, p. 49.
15
The Unemployment Rate corresponds
to the percentage of registered
unemployed to the respective active
group.
16
Baganha, M. et al. (2000), Is an Ethclass
emerging in Europe? The Portuguese Case,
Lisboa: Luso-American Foundation, p. 30.
17
* Authors’ note, 2007: Regretfully, at the
time of writing the Ukrainian population
was not the object of an autonomous
category in this or any other equivalent
source.
Table 3 - Unemployment of foreigners in mainland Portugal
Nationality
2001
2002
2003
2004
Africa
Eastern Europeans
America
Cape Verde
Brazil
Angola
Ukraine
Guinea Bissau
Sao Tome and Principe
Russia
Moldova
Romania
Mozambique
Total
3.363
21
513
1.084
423
1.020
1
766
294
8
0
4
141
5.300
5.034
765
1.305
1.533
1.116
1.555
458
1.124
491
162
11
80
219
9.055
8.320
3.068
2.513
2.466
2.280
2.745
1.882
1.771
867
402
399
253
292
16.389
9.019
3.897
3.199
2.938
2.931
2.790
2.395
1.895
940
494
488
329
284
18.735
Source: Employment and Vocational Training Institute
1.1.2. THE GUINEA-BISSAUAN IMMIGRATION
In the earlier 1980s the immigration from Guinea Bissau was, when compared with other inflows
from African former colonies, relatively small. Nevertheless, this population has experienced one
of the highest growth rates between 1986 and 2003 (see Table 2). On the other hand, although,
this flow was not the first migratory experience of Guineans, it reached higher values than any
other streams from Guinea Bissau to Europe.18 There are two different groups of Guinea-Bissauans residing in Portugal: one constituted of persons with Portuguese citizenship, acquired
in the context of the recent colonial history of Portugal and Guinea-Bissau, and a second,
defined mainly by foreigners that arrived later on.
18
The first group arrived in the 1980s, shortly after the independence of Guinea-Bissau, and has
higher formal education than their most recently arrived countrymen, or even than most
Africans.19 Accordingly, this earlier inflow is characterized by a distinct share of individuals
integrated in professional groups where a higher qualification is required, namely in technical,
executive and managerial occupations. The most recent stream of Guinea-Bissauans is more in
tone with the generality of migratory flows from Africa.
18
19
Machado, F. (2002) "Guineenses no
Mercado de trabalho: entre a
homogeneidade e a diferenciação",
in Cadernos Sociedade e Trabalho, 2,
pp. 13-24.
Saint-Maurice, A. (1997) Identidades
Reconstruídas - Cabo-verdianos em
Portugal, Oeiras: Celta, p. 60.
Table 4 - Foreign recipients of the Social Integration Income in 2004
Nationality
Africa
Angola
Cape Verde
Guiné-Bissau
S. Tomé e Príncipe
Mozambique
Others
America
Brazil
Others
Asia
Europe
Spain
France
Romania
Russia
Moldova
Ukraine
Others
Total Foreigners
N
%
6602
2239
2264
831
615
492
161
642
398
244
167
1172
280
345
45
13
10
38
441
10397
63,5
21,5
21,8
8,0
5,9
4,7
1,5
6,2
3,8
2,3
1,6
11,3
2,7
3,3
0,4
0,1
0,1
0,4
4,2
100
Source: Ministry of Labour and Solidarity
1.1.3. THE BRAZILIAN IMMIGRATION
Until the 1980s the Brazilian immigration into Portugal had little expression when compared
with inflows such as the Cape Verdean (see Table 2). It has since grown. Economic crises and
specific policies transformed the two countries' migratory relationship. Brazil has always been a
favoured destiny for Portuguese emigration. Now, it is a sending country as well. This gives way
to intricate patterns of migration and family reunion. Of late, Brazilians became one of the
largest foreigner population legally residing in Portugal with almost 77,000 people.20 In 2004 the
majority of work visas conceded by the Ministry for Foreign Affairs went to Brazilians (10,770),
through the special agreement established between Portugal and Brazil.
19
The attractive of Portugal to Brazilians can be explained by several specific conditions, among
which are linguistic identity, cultural affinity, bilateral agreements and the preferential treatment
given to the Portuguese speaking peoples in the acquisition of Portuguese nationality:21 only six
years of legal residence in the country are demanded from citizens of Portuguese speaking
countries, while others have to reside legally in the country for ten years before being able
to apply for Portuguese nationality. Note that this privilege also applies to Cape Verde and
Guinea-Bissau nationals. On the other hand, some researchers argue that immigrating to
Portugal may not be an end in itself but a means to an end, a door through which to enter the
European Union.
http://www.acime.gov.pt/modules.php
?name=News&file=print&sid=863,
(23.08.2005)
20
Lages, M. et al. (2003) Atitudes e
Valores perante a Imigração, Lisboa:
Observatório da Imigração, p. 74.
21
Table 5 - Permanence permits by sector of activity in the end of 2001
Total
Nationality
Eastern Europeans
Ukraine
Moldova
Romania
Russia
PALOP
Cape Verde
Angola
Guinea-Bissau
Others
Brazil
China
Pakistan
India
Total
Sector of Activity22
C
D
N
%
A
B
E
F
50,898
9,607
8,432
5,473
100
100
100
100
6.9
5.6
6.5
4.9
24.3
13.3
8.9
28.2
41.3
54.1
53.4
32.3
7.1
5.8
5.5
7.3
6
6
6.6
9.6
14.5
15.2
19.1
17.6
6,635
6,454
4,125
100
100
100
1.6
1.1
0.6
4.3
4.7
3.2
43.4
33.7
56.7
6
8.1
3.2
9.2
14.1
5.7
35.5
38.3
30.6
25,940
3,315
2,862
3,096
141,636
100
100
100
100
100
1.8
2.2
3.3
1.8
4.5
7.8
4.5
5.1
1.4
14.6
25.5
3.5
58.0
57.0
39.6
12.2
27.3
7.3
7.5
8.3
22.1
57.5
3.8
7.7
11.1
30.6
5.1
22.4
24.7
21.9
Source: Pires, R. P. (2002) "Mudanças na Imigração. Uma análise das estatísticas sobre a população estrangeira em Portugal,
1998-2001", in Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas, nº 39, p. 158.
There is also the question of favourable treatment under the Friendship, Cooperation and
Consultation Treaty,23 which allows Brazilians with more than two years of legal residence in
Portugal to vote in local elections. Brazilians with more than three years of legal residence can
also apply for equal political rights. Moreover, as soon as these immigrants acquire a residence
permit they can also get equality in civic rights, gaining a special identity card that only Brazilians
can obtain in this facilitated way.
20
1.1.4. THE UKRAINIAN IMMIGRATION
Legend: A - Agriculture,fishing and
similar; B - Manufacturing;
C - Construction; D - Retail trade;
E - Restaurants and hotels; F - Services.
22
23
http://www.grci.pt/acordos/ acordo_brasil.pdf, (06.10.2005)
24
Malynovska, O. (2004) "International
Labour Migration from Ukraine: the last
ten years", in Baganha et al. (eds) New
Waves: Migration from Eastern to Southern
Europe, Lisboa: Luso-American
Foundation, p. 11.
25
Baganha, M. et al. (2004) "The
Unforeseen Wave: Migration from
Eastern Europe in Portugal", in Baganha
et al. (eds) New Waves: Migration from
Eastern to Southern Europe, Lisboa:
Luso-American Foundation, p. 28.
26
Baganha, M. et al. (2004) "The
Unforeseen Wave: Migration from
Eastern Europe in Portugal", in Baganha
et al. (eds) New Waves: Migration from
Eastern to Southern Europe, Lisboa:
Luso-American Foundation, p. 35.
A massive inflow of Ukrainians to Portugal occurred in the beginning of the XXIst century,
after the collapse of the USSR and the emergence of the independent post-Soviet states. It is
widely acknowledged that this flow was integrated in a wide ranging emigration process, from
Eastern Europe to the West, which started in the last years of the Soviet era.24 The easy circulation within the Schengen space and the activity of human smuggling organizations facilitated
this abrupt inflow from Eastern Europe in general and Ukraine in particular.25
However, in Portugal this represented a significant change of the immigration patterns. For
the first time Portugal received a massive human inflow from a country with which it had no
particular economic, historical or cultural links. The composition of immigrant populations
settled in the country was radically transformed. Until the end of the 1990s the Africans (from
former Portuguese colonies) and the Brazilians constituted nearly 60 per cent of the total
foreign population. The total number of legal Eastern Europeans established in Portugal in 1999
only reached 2,373 individuals. Suddenly, in 2002, the Ukrainians became the largest foreign
population residing in the country with 62,041 persons, corresponding to 26 per cent of the
total. This abrupt movement occurred in 2001, when a regularization took place and 'permanence permits' became widely accessible.
The demand in construction and public works from the early 2000s guaranteed a swift integration
of these immigrants in the Portuguese labour market (see Table 5). Although in those years there
were plenty of job opportunities in the unskilled segments of the labour market, the results of
a survey carried out by Baganha et al.26 show that more than a quarter of the respondents from
Ukraine declared to have paid to intermediaries to find a job.
The economic recession being felt in recent years has dictated a decrease of this inflow.
Furthermore, the available data highlight that these immigrants have become, along with
Africans, much more susceptible to unemployment and dependent on social benefits (see Table
3 and Table 4). The number of Eastern Europeans unemployed in Portugal increased drastically
between 2001 and 2004. In 2001 they were 0.4 per cent of the total number of registered
foreigners (21 people out of 5,300), while in 2004 they had become 20.8 per cent (3,897 people
out of 18,735).
The Eastern European migrants had created new challenges to the Portuguese integration policies
and changed remarkably the Portuguese migratory experience. Until the end of the 1990s there
was little pressure from the immigrant communities for skills recognition, a process that may
open them hitherto untapped sectors of the Portuguese labour market. Given that highly
qualified people constitute most of the inflows from Eastern European countries, their integration in low qualified segments of the Portuguese labour market causes some frustration. This has
resulted in an increased demand for skills recognition (see Table 6).
Table 6 - Skills recognition (graduate level) applications of foreigners, between 2001 and 2002
2000
Nationality
Moldova
Romania
Russia
Ukraine
Other
Total
N
1
10
40
24
45
120
2001
%
0,8
8,3
33,3
20,0
37,5
100
N
2
15
45
30
27
119
2002
%
1,7
12,6
37,8
25,2
22,7
100
N
16
6
21
18
17
78
%
20,5
7,7
26,9
23,1
21,8
100
Source: Directorate-General for Higher Education, Ministry for Science, Technology and Higher Education
21
Furthermore, as they became established in Portuguese regions the Eastern European migrants
defined a new geographical pattern of settlement. Until the beginning of this century, the largest
foreign populations were resident mainly in the metropolitan area of Lisboa and in Setúbal.
However, the Eastern European migrants, answering to the job opportunities, scattered
throughout the country. In other words, for the first time in the recent migratory history of
Portugal the patterns of settlement followed the demand of the labour force with respect to
regional employment markets.
1.2. THE ROMA
The Roma constitute the only domestic ethnic minority. A recent study about the social
representations of the Roma in Portugal concludes that this population is usually identified by
physical elements, specific behaviour, informal commercial activities, manner of speech and
accent. The ethnic majority perceives these characteristics as negative and allocates mistrust on
this basis.27
Duarte, I. et al. (2005) Coexistência
Inter-Étnica, Espaços e Representações
Sociais, Lisboa: ACIME.
27
This negative image dates back to several centuries ago. The first inflows arrived from Spain
between the XIVth and the XVIth centuries and experienced discrimination early on, namely
through the juridical order, in which were coded specific conditions of punishment and
expulsion, interdictions of residence and death penalties. In 1592, for example, a Law was
passed that decreed the expulsion of the Roma from the country. Those who stayed were
executed without a trial.28 Unfortunately, this discrimination still exists nowadays. For example,
police regulations encourage officers to pay special attention to nomads (or Roma) because of
their 'propensity to certain activities'. Furthermore, as recently as 1996, the report on Internal
Security categorised suspects of criminal activities as 'Blacks, Roma or Whites'.29
Machado, P. (2001) "A etnia cigana
em Portugal", in JANUS Anuário de
Relações Exteriores, Lisboa: Público e
Universidade de Lisboa.
28
Machado, P. (2001) "A etnia cigana
em Portugal", in JANUS Anuário de
Relações Exteriores, Lisboa: Público e
Universidade de Lisboa, p.186.
29
Recognizing the difficulties felt by the Roma, the Portuguese Government created in 199630 a
work group to promote the integration and equality of this minority. The Portuguese High
Commissioner for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities (ACIME) embraced this project. Moreover,
to know better the difficulties and social problems of this community, ACIME has published, in
the last year, several studies and promoted workshops and research projects.31
1.3. POTENTIAL AREAS OF CONFLICT
It was only in 1999 that the Portuguese law started to punish acts of discrimination based on
racial or ethnic motives.32 Accordingly, this series of data on discrimination in Portugal is very
short. The Commission for Equality and Against Racial Discrimination only registered forty five
cases of complaints for alleged ethnic discrimination between 2000 and 2004.33 Ten of these
cases pertained to the functioning of the labour market, while six of them involved incorrect
treatment issuing form public security forces, namely the police. As for the plaintiffs' nationalities,
ten were African, five were Brazilians and other five Eastern Europeans.
22
30
Council of Ministers Resolution 157/96
(October 19,1996)
31
More information available in the site
http://www.acime.gov.pt,
area "Etnia cigana".
32
There is also recent record, the source this time being the mass media, of cases of intolerance
of local communities towards the Roma. Mayors of several villages in the North of Portugal have
been pressured to demolish Roma dwellings. A case in particular got a lot of coverage: the 1997
outburst of intolerance towards the Roma from the part of the ethnic majority population of
Francelos. Some inhabitants of Francelos accused Roma families which lived nearby the village
of being drug dealers. Alleging inefficiency on the part of the police, a vigilante militia declared
its own war on drugs and the Roma. Two sorts of actions ensued: attacks on alleged drug users
and an appeal to the local population to drive out the Roma families from the area. This group
made several demonstrations against their Roma neighbours. The case was brought before
court and several members of the militias were incriminated. The Court charged them with
terrorist association and aggression, but only achieved convictions for aggression and kidnapping.
Those convicted were punished with imprisonment up to five years. Nevertheless, no charge was
made on the grounds of the anti-discrimination law, even if the population had publicly insulted
the Roma families that lived nearby. On the other hand, some members of the Roma family did
get convicted for drug dealing, with sentences ranging from six to almost ten years. The Court
decision dates from 1999. It is important to point out the geography of these events: all happened
in the Norte region and targeted the Roma, thus defining a pattern of intolerance.
Also documented in the media is the fact that pure market competition can also bring about
the leitmotif of xenophobia. In the early 1980s a wave of Brazilian dentists entered the
Portuguese market and met a reaction of nationalistic, protectionist overtones.
Portugal / Law 134/99 (28.08.1999)
These are the cases where the victims
directly contacted the Commission.
Other individuals will have pressed
charges directly to the courts and these
will not be easily identified as cases of
discrimination.
33
Baganha et al. (2004) "The Unforeseen
Wave: Migration from Eastern Europe in
Portugal", in Baganha et al. (eds), New
Waves: Migration from Eastern to Southern
Europe, Lisboa: Luso-American
Foundation, pp. 23-39.
Moreover, it is possible to identify conflicts between immigrant communities. In 2003, Portugal
and Brazil signed a special agreement that, among other things, approved a special regularization
process for illegal Brazilians residing in Portugal. This agreement originated negative reactions
from other immigrant communities residing in Portugal (e.g., the Cape Verdean Association),
which felt relatively deprived.
34
35
Peixoto, J. (ed.) (2005) O Tráfico de
Migrantes em Portugal, Lisboa: ACIME.
Cases of violence and conflict within minority groups are also on record. The smuggling of
immigrants to Portugal started to be a visible problem and a new challenge to the Portuguese
policy with the arrival of Eastern Europeans34 and, more recently, of Brazilians. In a recent study,
Peixoto35 concludes that some Eastern Europeans have been victims of smuggling to arrive into
the country and presently suffer violence and extortion from co-ethnics. In a different way,
certain Brazilian women had also been mainly smuggled for prostitution.
36
Lages, M. et al. (2003) Atitudes e
Valores perante a Imigração, Lisboa:
Observatório da Imigração.
In a recent study about the attitudes and values of the Portuguese native population to
immigrants36 (mainly Africans, Brazilians and Eastern Europeans), one of the strong conclusions
was that more than 70 per cent of the Portuguese were against the arrival of immigrants
independently of their origins. Nevertheless, in the same study, 91.8 per cent of the Portuguese
inquired said that are in favour that the foreigners have the same rights as Portuguese have
outside Portugal, and 85.9 per cent defend that the immigrants should have the right to bring
in their families.
23
#2 DESCRIPTION
OF THE SAMPLES
2. DESCRIPTION OF THE SAMPLES
2.1. SAMPLE DESIGN
Our choice of migrant and/or minority groups resulted from the confluence of two concerns:
group size and vulnerability to racial discrimination. Regarding the first, the Borders and
Foreigners Service37 reports that in 200338 the four main groups of legal foreign residents held
citizenship of Angola (25,681); Brazil (26,561); Cape Verde (53,858) and Guinea-Bissau
(20,209).39 Still, an unaccountable stock of illegal migrants remains invisible from this point of
view.
Unfortunately, the 2001 census can't help us much here, in view of the fact that it accounts for
less people of some foreign groups than the Borders and Foreigners Service report for the
same year does. Citizens of Cape Verde, for instance, vary from 33,145 in the census to 49,930
in the said report.40 This problem of relative invisibility affects mostly Eastern Europeans – a large,
albeit recent, migrant group. By adding permanence permits for the last two years, we can
estimate Ukrainian migrants to be, at least, 64,695.41
Since the Roma have Portuguese citizenship, they are neither accounted for in the 2001 census
nor in the Borders and Foreigners Service annual reports. In 2001 a questionnaire survey of
municipalities accounted for 21,831 persons belonging to this minority,42 while the Pastoral dos
Ciganos, a catholic evangelisation organization that targets Roma, estimates them to be about
40,00043 and some researchers take an educated guess at a figure of 50,000.44
If we were to keep all of these groups, we would be making six samples, which would
prove unmanageable. We decided to keep two African groups, the Cape Verdeans and the
Guinea-Bissauans, in order to both maintain a good contingent of persons from the region of
provenance most prone to being discriminated45 and try to understand if religious differences –
according to the census about one fourth of the Guinea-Bissauans are Islamic – also interfere
in experienced discrimination. The five chosen groups are thus: citizens of Brazil; Cape Verde;
Guinea-Bissau; Ukraine; and the Portuguese Roma. We tried to guarantee a sample of 400 actual
interviews per migrant or minority group, thus assuring that, if the samples were random,
sampling error for a 95 per cent confidence interval would be inferior to 5 per cent for all the
groups.
2.1.1. THE FOUR MIGRANT GROUPS: DEVELOPING A MEANINGFUL SAMPLE
Having failed to obtain a sample frame from either the National Statistical Institute, which
claimed legal impediments to share such information, or the Borders and Foreigners Service,
which didn't answer to our contact, we were forced to opt for quota sampling. The following
step was to approach the National Statistical Institute and the Portugal/Ministry for Science,
Technology and Superior Education in order to benefit from the protocol between these
entities regarding the cost free sharing of census data for scientific purposes. Through them we
were able to obtain the data necessary to stratify our four samples of migrant groups by:
gender, age group, length of permanence in Portugal46 and residential region.47
Table 60 through Table 63, incorporated in a separate annex, present the distribution of
Brazilians, Cape Verdeans, Guinea-Bissauans and Ukrainians. Once having determined the
structure of these populations, we calculated the proportions of the universe that falls into each
of the cells of the respective cross-tabulation. The next step was to multiply the desired sample
size – 400 respondents – for these proportions, rounding the result down to the nearest integer
and setting the fractional part aside for further calculation. We then summed the integers (∑n)
and subtracted the result from the desired 400 interviews, thus obtaining the number of
The Borders and Foreigners Service
is a governmental agency committed to
implement the Portuguese immigration
and asylum policies in accordance to
the Constitution, the Law and the
Government orientation.
37
These were the most recently
published data at the time when the
sample was designed, they have since
become outdated. Other sections of this
report make use of the most recent
data available.
38
Portugal / Borders and Foreigners
Service (2003).
39
Valente Rosa, M. J. et al. (2004)
Contributos dos imigrantes na demografia
portuguesa, Lisboa: ACIME.
40
SEF (2003) Relatório Estatístico 2003 at:
http://www.sef.pt/data/relatorios/2003/
relatorio_estatistico_2003.pdf,
(01.07.2005)
41
42
SOS Racismo (2001) Ciganos:
números, abordagens e realidades, Lisboa:
SOS Racismo.
http://www.ecclesia.pt/pnciganos/
apresentacao.htm, (01.07.2005)
43
44
Bastos, J. G. P. et al. (2000) Ciganos
em Portugal, hoje, Lisboa: FCSH/UNL.
Lages, M. et al. (2003) Atitudes e Valores
perante a Imigração, Lisboa: ACIME.
45
Estimated from the place of residence
at 31/12/1995 being Portugal [PT] or
elsewhere [OUT].
46
Açores, Alentejo, Algarve, Centro,
Lisboa, Madeira or Norte.
47
25
interviews not yet attributed to a specific quota (400 minus ∑n). Finally, we ranked the fractional
parts we had set aside before and attributed the remaining interviews to the largest 400 minus
∑n of them. The ensuing intended samples for Brazilians, Cape Verdeans, Guinea-Bissauans and
Ukrainians can be found in Table 64 through Table 67, also incorporated in a separate annex.
It should be kept in mind that the criterion for allocation of individuals to the four foreign groups
was nationality. This allows for the inclusion of a number of persons who, being born in Portugal,
aren't actual immigrants.
2.1.2. THE ROMA
Regarding the Roma, the sampling design followed a similar logic. The most notable difference is
the absence of the 'length of permanence in Portugal' variable in the sample design and, given
the above stated problems, the more sketchy nature of the other variables. As a matter of fact,
we had to pool data from a few different sources. The previously mentioned Pastoral dos
Ciganos'48 study supplied us with the age and gender structure, while the regional distribution
was based on the Ministry of Education's account of the enrolment of this cultural group in the
school year of 1999/200049. The Ministry's data, however, does not cover the autonomous insular
regions of Açores and Madeira and neither does SOS Racismo's national survey of municipalities.50
As a consequence, our intended sample, featured in Table 68, also presented in the annexes,
does not contemplate these regions.
2.2. SAMPLE IMPLEMENTATION
We sought to reach the persons who cumulatively showed the four (three in the case of
the Roma) desired characteristics through the network of migrant associations and other
organisations, such as churches and NGOs. Whenever these organisations had a list and allowed
us to use it as a sampling frame, the final selection of interviewees was randomised.
26
Knowing from experience that in Portugal it is extremely implausible to get a fair response
rate from a postal survey, a methodology based on personal interviews presented itself as
the most sensible way to achieve reliable results. This involved a coordinated effort so as to
achieve a representative sample of all the groups for the 7 Portuguese regions: Açores,
Alentejo, Algarve, Centro, Lisboa, Madeira and Norte. For each one of these regions, we
targeted the largest cities (e.g., Porto for the North, Coimbra for the Centre, and Faro for
the Algarve). Following from this first selection of major cities we sought to take into account
particularities both of the sampled groups and the regions. Thus, this led us to include other
cities, such as Santa Maria da Feira for the North, and Lagos and Portimão for the Algarve.
In the particular case of Lisboa, interviews were also held in the main towns which form its
metropolitan area.
48
49
http://www.ecclesia.pt/pnciganos/
apresentacao.htm, (01.07.2005)
http://www.giase.min-edu.pt/stats01.
asp?auxID=stats, (05.10.2005)
50
SOS Racismo (2001) Ciganos:
números, abordagens e realidades,
Lisboa: SOS Racismo.
Regarding the sampling of respondents we prioritised embassies and local Borders and
Foreigners Service offices as the main points, as these are spots where migrants must go
through, regardless of their social class. The other main criterion was to approach people at
places they often went to or used, such as churches, public transportation, and supermarkets.
As a last resource, prospective respondents were also approached by professional category,
taking into account the data available on the occupation profile for the different groups.
As a rule, the selection of respondents at places like the embassies, Borders and Foreigners
Service offices and NGOs was either random or systematic, i.e. interviewers had to follow a
purely numerical system in approaching prospective respondents and then check whether they
fitted the quota. This was done to avoid natural biases in selection of respondents by the
interviewers.
Thus, one of the first tasks for the undertaking of this survey was the construction of a list of
embassies, national services for attendance of migrants, and cultural or religious associations related to the targeted groups. In the initial contact established with such centres an agreement was
sought which would allow our group of interviewers to approach potential respondents within
their space of attendance. This was authorised by the embassies of Guinea-Bissau, Brazil and
Ukraine (for the latter we were only allowed outside the main premises). The embassy of Cape
Verde proved to be more problematic, telling us that they did not wish to create 'diplomatic
incidents' with the Portuguese government, on account of a study on discrimination and racism.
Nonetheless, on the whole this strategy proved to be a valuable one and about a third of the
four samples of immigrants was interviewed at an embassy or consulate.
A brief summary of the other sampling strategies – such as those involving associations and
churches – for each region follows:
2.2.1. LISBOA
Given the high number of cultural associations related to migrant groups in Lisboa, a quota of
20 per cent was attributed to them. A representative of such associations is Casa do Brasil de
Lisboa which offers legal help to Brazilian migrants and has a programme of regular cultural activities. For Cape Verdeans, the Associação Cabo-Verdiana de Lisboa was used, an association
which has been developing an important work of cultural promotion, and political activism to
protect Cape Verdeans in Portugal. Regarding the Ukrainians, we benefited from the Serviço
Jesuíta aos Refugiados in which premises is also established a Local Immigrant Support Centre.51
They provide social services, a job centre, as well as language courses and some other
educational programmes. The Borders and Foreigners Services and the National Immigrant
Support Centre52 were also privileged places of access to respondents.
27
A quota was also attributed to other places where the groups of migrants socially gathered or
shopped, such as supermarkets, shopping centres, hairdressers or the Banco do Brasil (for the
Brazilian group). Churches were also used, particularly for Ukrainians, whose population is largely
Christian Orthodox, and Guineans, many of which are Muslims.
Figure 1 - Map of the NUT II regions
NORTE
R. A. DOS AÇORES
CENTRO
The Local Immigrant Support Centres
operate in the premises of Town Halls,
Parish Councils or NGOs, with a small
office run by a mediator of the host
institution.
51
LISBOA
The National Immigrant Support
Centres are public structures dedicated
to immigrant reception and information,
with counters of the High Commission
for Immigration and Ethnic Minorities,
Borders and Foreigners Service, Social
Security, Labour, Education, Health and
whichever NGO's choose to join. The
National Immigrant Support Centres
operate in Lisboa and in Porto.
52
ALENTEJO
R. A . DA MADEIRA
N
ALGARVE
0
138.775m
2.2.2. NORTE
The general strategy followed for the other regions tried to emulate as closely as possible the
sampling procedure undertaken for Lisboa. In the case of Porto, the largest northern city, this was
mostly achieved through cultural associations, the Local Immigrant Support Centres, the National
Immigrant Support Centre and churches. A satellite, heavily industrialised town, where an association of migrants from Eastern Europe is implanted, Santa Maria da Feira, was also chosen.
2.2.3. CENTRO
In the centre region, Coimbra is the major city and the one we selected. Unlike Lisboa and Porto,
the official services that attend to migrants are few and their clientele scarce. We thus had to rely
on more diverse sampling strategies, including the use of supermarkets and public transports. We
also targeted some professional groups, including construction and restaurant workers, which are
some of the major occupations for Ukrainian and Brazilian migrants in this region.
2.2.4. ALENTEJO
Beja is the largest city in this southern region and the one we targeted. Here we benefited in
particular from Solidariedade Imigrante, a centre which offers help to migrants, along with the
local centre of foreigners and frontiers. We also contacted some migrants who worked in the
agricultural sector, which is one of the main sources of employment in this region.
2.2.5. ALGARVE
In the southernmost region of Portugal, respondents came from the cities of Portimão, Faro and
Albufeira. Some cultural associations, including one which gives support to Eastern European
migrants, were particularly helpful by granting us access to their members. Other spots used
included Orthodox churches, and a shop of African products.
28
2.2.6. AÇORES AND MADEIRA
In these Portuguese Islands, where there is a very low number of migrants, we gathered respondents through a local association of migrants, Associação dos Imigrantes nos Açores,53 and
through a Portuguese course for foreigners.
2.2.7. THE ROMA: A SPECIAL CASE
Because of its particularity, the sampling technique for the Roma was different from that of the
other groups. First of all, they are Portuguese citizens. Secondly, we are often faced with close
communities which are difficult to approach. Nevertheless, our sampling strategy was quite
simple and efficient. Since about 90 per cent of this group is comprised of vendors who go
around the country to work in the markets and fairs, we targeted the major, small and local
markets and fairs. We sent our interviewers through most of the country. In the North and
Centre, they went to markets and fairs at Custóias, Cantanhede, Lousã, Ferreiras and Coimbra.
In Lisboa, they went to Relógio, Carcavelos, Almada and Seixal. In the Alentejo and Algarve they
were at Moura, Beja, Portimão and Lagos. Finally, we also got respondents from particular
neighbourhoods where there is a large concentration of Roma and from the Igreja Evangélica
de Filadélfia, a church to which many members of this group belong to.
2.3. TEAM RECRUITMENT AND TRAINING
53
http://www.aipa-azores.com/,
(29.06.2005)
Númena recruited and trained a team of interviewers, preferably belonging to the same
minority as the interviewees, and deployed them all over the country, in order to cover the
regional diversity contemplated in the sample design. The typical profile we sought was someone
with a degree in the social and human sciences that may have had some work experience with
migrants, or in the area of racism and discrimination. From a total of 126 applications we
selected forty interviewers. We also privileged candidates who were members of one of the
migrant groups, for this would allow them to communicate more easily with the targeted group.
For Lisboa we had a group of twenty interviewers, including five Cape Verdeans, three Brazilians,
and two Roma. Many of the remaining interviewers for Lisboa had been doing research work
with a particular migrant group. For the centre region we had six interviewers, for the Alentejo
there were five, and for the Algarve we sent a team of interviewers from Lisboa. For the Azores
and Madeira we had two contacts, one of which was a sociologist and the other a Cape Verdean.
Each interviewer participated in a collective session of training conducted by members of
Númena, and had a guide with detailed instructions where the aims of the survey, criteria of
sampling, selection method, and rules for filling in the questionnaires were described.
The interviewers involved in this project were: Adriano Cardoso, Anabela Abreu, André Pacheco
Lopes, Anne-kristin Borszik, Bruno Gonçalves, Carla Marques, Carla Oliveira, Catarina Silva,
Cipriana Ramos, Cristina Andrade, Cristina Pinto, Cristina Valentim, Dina Mendes, Edalina
Sanches, Edison Sanches, Eduardo Fernandes, Elsa Rodrigues, Inês Sacchetti, José Machado,
Leoter Soares, Luciana Mendonça, Luísa Castro e Brito, Magda Vieira, Márcia Gonçalves Barbosa,
Maria João Andrade, Maria João Mascarenhas, Maria Paula Paes, Marlene Fernades, Marta Lima,
Midana Nandigna, Natasha Lemos, Nisa Mendonça, Noémia Nunes, Octávio Raposo, Pedro
Cardoso, Pedro Gomes, Rita Guimarães, Roman Curbanov, Romano Fernandes, Silvano Sanches,
Teresa Brito, Tiago Bibas and Vitor Barros.
2.4. QUESTIONNAIRE ADAPTATION
After consulting with the EUMC, it was decided to have a shorter questionnaire than the one
originally used in Sweden. The set of seventeen core questions was included along with the
general socio-demographic data. We also added a few items in line with the Portuguese social
reality. The need to have a briefer questionnaire had to do with the sampling technique, which
consisted of direct interviews rather than mailing prospective respondents. This procedure calls
for a briefer instrument, as people are often being interviewed whilst in a public space where
the time available is scarce.
The Roma, having Portuguese nationality, required a specially adapted questionnaire, namely in
what concerned questions about a foreign background that they don't share, namely Questions
F.3, F.5, P.2a and P.2b were altogether abolished and several other required adaptation (e.g.,
changing 'foreign background' to 'Roma background'). The final codebook reflects the existence
of alternative formulations for the four migrant groups and the Roma.
Finally, the questionnaire was applied in Portuguese which is the official speaking language of
all groups in this study except the Ukrainians. For this group, a translation was prepared by a
professional translator and interviewers carried both a Portuguese and a Russian version when
interviewing people from this group.
2.5. FIELDWORK REPORT
Some of the details concerning this section have already been described in the previous
sections. However, it is important to highlight the difficulties the interviewers faced during the
fieldwork. These difficulties consist mostly of refusals to participate in the study. We had few
refusals in spaces like embassies, consulates and centres dedicated to helping migrants, but the
ratio of refusals to contacts was quite more expressive in other spaces, such as shopping
29
centres, churches or mosques. On the other hand, our insight to recruit interviewers from the
same backgroung as the targeted group proved to be a valuable one. The refusal to participate
was much lower then than when the interviewer had majority background.
Table 69 (see annexes) shows that the Brazilian and Roma groups had the lowest refusal rate,
while the other three groups showed similar results. This is probably due to the higher rate of
interviewers who belonged to the Brazilian and Roma groups, but other factors may have played
a role, such as a greater cultural proximity (feeling of belonging) to the Portuguese culture. The
analysis of data will help us to shed some light on this matter.
2.6. DATA CLEANING, CODING AND RECORDING
When handed over by the interviewers, the questionnaires were immediately screened for missing
responses and disrespect for the existing skip patterns and filter questions. The supervisor
turned down questionnaires with more than 3 missing answers and called for the recovery of
missing information. The accepted questionnaires were then coded. Finally, a random sample of
10 per cent of the questionnaires brought in by each interviewer was subjected to confirmation
by his or her direct supervisor.
Occupation was measured through an open-ended question which was later coded according
with the major groups of the National Classification of Occupations54 (NCO-94). The NCO-94
results from the adaptation of the ILO's International Standard Classification of Occupations to
the Portuguese case. The nine major groups are: executive civil servants, industrial directors and
executives; professionals and scientists; middle management and technicians; administrative and
related workers; service and sales workers; farmers and skilled agricultural and fisheries workers;
skilled workers, craftsmen and similar; machine operators and assembly workers; unskilled
workers.
30
Since religions other than those we pre-coded did not amount to 5 per cent of the total sample,
we opted for assigning to this group a single code. The remaining questions were closed-ended
and required less care. Data was recorded in a standard format and made available to the
EUMC along with the Interim Report.
Some remarks must be made before turning to the results:
• resulting samples (Table 70 through Table 74 in the annexes) are very close to intended
samples;
• generally speaking, there are very few missing values and they do not differ significantly from
group to group or between categories of the control variables within each group included
in the survey;
Employment and Vocational Training
Institute (2001) Classificação Nacional de
Profissões - Versão 1994 (2nd edition).
Lisboa: Employment and Vocational
Training Institute.
54
55
If the EUMC proceeds to apply
his methodology to further countries,
we recommend that an autonomous
filter question be added prior to all
the questions which now admit
answers such as "hasn't worked for
the last five years".
• some questions only apply to interviewees who had a specific kind of interaction in their
recent past, but since having or not having had these kinds of interaction is in itself something
that allows us to perceive different behaviour patterns between the minority groups
involved, we thoroughly analysed them in each domain of the report.55
#3 PRESENTATION OF RESULTS
3. PRESENTATION OF RESULTS
Most of the dependent variables are measured at the ordinal level.56 Only the sense of belonging
to the host country and the sense of belonging to the country of origin are measured at the
discrete level (at interval level but not allowing for intermediate values). Our main independent
variable is minority group belonging, a categorical variable. For this reason, the statistical test
mostly used for bivariate analysis will be Kruskal-Wallis H, a non-parametric test that allows for
the comparison of more than two groups and does not require the dependent variable to be
measured at a level higher than the ordinal.
In the case of the other variables that we will also be taking into account, some of them
– namely age, length of stay in the host country and highest overall educational level attained –
are measured at the ordinal level. Given this fact, we will be able to use the statistical test
Kendall's tau-b to check for correlation with most of the dependents.
Whenever both the independent and the dependent variables are measured at the nominal
level, we will resort to the Chi-square statistical test for comparisons between groups. In some
instances the problem of the existence of more than 20 per cent of cells with expected values
under five will arise. These will be handled either by performing an exact test, which bypasses
this problem, or, if the computational resources do not allow for this solution, will give rise to a
mention in the text that the results are merely indicative.
3.1. DEMOGRAPHICS
Some of these variables, namely gender, age, length of stay in Portugal and region of residence,
were used to stratify the sample. Therefore, the relation between them in our resulting sample
merely mirrors a relation existing in census data. For instance, the fact that 13 per cent of our
resulting sample of Brazilians correspond to men in the younger age group who have arrived in
the last five years and are now living in the Lisboa region is a direct consequence of that being
the proportion allotted to individuals with these characteristics in the intended sample, which
in turn reflects their proportion according to the census.
33
3.1.1. GENDER
The groups under analysis differ in what concerns gender distribution. Unsurprisingly, the Roma
show a more balanced gender distribution than other groups, patent in a 1.0 masculinity ratio.
Immigration is known to be a gender selective process which, particularly in its early stages,
favours men. Given that the Roma are not immigrants, their more balanced gender distribution
is easily understood. The Ukrainians have the largest masculinity ratio (4.4), followed by the
Guinea-Bissauans (2.0). Although the Brazilians and Cape Verdeans also have high masculinity
ratios (1.2 and 1.1, respectively) the over-representation of men is much smaller.
Table 7 - Gender (F.157) per minority group (F.3)
The answers to the seventeen core
questions could be coded as counts of
occurrences and not, as now occurs,
in previously defined intervals, a
development which would permit the
calculation of arithmetic averages, thus
permitting to discriminate better than
medians and still allowing, via aggregation,
for retrospective comparison.
56
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
45%
55%
100%
404
Male
47%
53%
100%
399
Male
33%
67%
100%
403
Male
18%
82%
100%
413
Male
49%
51%
100%
401
Male
Female
Male
Total
N
Mode
Source: this survey
Unless otherwise stated, the
numbering used here corresponds to
the questionnaire applied to Brazilians,
Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans.
57
The masculinity ratio of Guinea-Bissauans in the youngest age group is significantly lower than
that of the older age groups. No relation between gender and length of stay or region was found
in any of the five groups.
3.1.2. REGION
The regional distribution of these populations follows two different patterns. On the one hand,
the African groups (Cape Verdean and Guinea-Bissauan) are highly concentrated in the Lisboa
area. On the other, the Ukrainians are dispersed across the country. This new pattern of settlement reflects the needs of regional labour markets, particularly in areas that benefited from
investment in great public works projects. This is quite new to the Portuguese experience. Up
until now, immigrants tended to concentrate on great urban centres. The Brazilians, though
concentrated in Lisboa, show important populations in the Norte region. The Roma differ from
the other groups in their concentration in the Norte and Alentejo regions, even if the majority
of people in this group reside in the Lisboa area.
Table 8 - Region (F.2) per minority group (F.3)
Brazilians
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Total
N
Mode
34
0%
4%
6%
15%
54%
0%
20%
100%
404
Lisboa
Cape Verdeans
1%
3%
6%
3%
86%
0%
3%
100%
399
Lisboa
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
0%
1%
5%
4%
85%
0%
4%
100%
403
Lisboa
1%
10%
22%
26%
28%
1%
12%
100%
413
Lisboa
0%
14%
7%
16%
38%
0%
23%
100%
401
Lisboa
Source: this survey
We found no association between gender or age and region in any of the groups. Though the
relation between length of stay and region is difficult to read on account of the high number of
cells with expected values inferior to five, the observation of the adjusted standardized residuals
reveals that the new wave of Brazilian immigrants is quite more centred in Lisboa, while their
longer established countrymen are more dispersed through the country, a good share of them
being now living in the Norte region. The fact that so many Brazilian immigrants choose the
Norte region to settle may actually be consequence of a return migration phenomenon.
Historically, this has been the region from which throughout the centuries more Portuguese
have been departing to Brazil.58
3.1.3. AGE
58
Rocha-Trindade, Maria Beatriz et. al.
(1987) Refluxos Culturais da Emigração
Portuguesa para o Brasil in Gianfausto
Rosoli (dir. de) Roma: Emigrazioni
Europe e Popolo Brasiliano, pp. 335-354
available at: http://www.ese-jdeus.edu.pt/
migra/institut/port/univab/summaries/
cemri-sum-brt-diasp-pt.htm,
(27.08.2005)
Notwithstanding the coincidence of their medians, the four immigrant groups differ in age
structure. The population of Brazilian immigrants is younger than the other groups, while the
Cape Verdean group is clearly older. This can be interpreted as resulting from the historical
sequence of the waves of immigrants from these countries, though this does not explain the
differences between Brazilians and Ukrainians.
Table 9 - Age (F.4) per immigrant group (F.3)
[18, 29]
[30, 39]
[40, 60]
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
44%
34%
22%
100%
404
[30-39]
30%
32%
38%
100%
399
[30-39]
34%
41%
25%
100%
403
[30-39]
37%
36%
28%
100%
413
[30-39]
Source: this survey
As was explained before, statistical data on the Roma population are scarce, of dubious quality
and scattered through a number of sources. This has led to the use of age groups that do not
match those used for the four immigrant groups.
Table 9’ - Age (F.4) in the Roma (F.3)
Roma
[15, 25]
[26, 45]
[+45]
Total
N
Median
41%
43%
16%
100%
401
[26-45]
Source: this survey
Guinea-Bissauan men tend to be older than women of the same nationality. In all immigrant
groups but the Ukrainian, a longer stay in Portugal corresponds to a higher age. No relationship
between age and region of residence was found in any of the four immigrant groups.
3.1.4. LENGTH OF STAY
The main difference here is between the African groups, composed by persons who in their
majority have been in Portugal for more than five years, and the Brazilians and Ukrainians, most
of whom have less than five years of stay in Portuguese territory. These results were to be
expected. The inflow of the African groups dates as early as the 1960s, while the Ukrainians and
Brazilians have arrived mostly in the last few years.
Table 10 - Length of stay (F.5) per immigrant group (F.3)
< 5 years
5 years
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
65%
35%
100%
404
< 5 years
26%
74%
100%
399
≥ 5 years
32%
68%
100%
403
≥ 5 years
95%
5%
100%
413
< 5 years
Source: this survey
Irrespective of the group, the length of stay is unaffected by gender.
Age correlates positively with length of stay in all immigrant groups but the Ukrainian, a fact that
is perhaps due of the extreme recentness of the inflow of people form this nationality.
Brazilian citizens staying in Portugal over more than five years tend to be living in the Norte
35
region, whereas those who have recently arrived prefer to settle themselves in the Grande
Lisboa area.
3.1.5. RELIGIOUS AFFILIATION
Missing values in answers to this question are not only residual but also homogenously
distributed, so that no differences of statistical significance were found, either between the
groups or, within each group, among the categories of the control variables.
There are clear differences between groups in terms of their religious affiliation. Cape Verdeans,
Guinea-Bissauans and Brazilians are Catholic in their majority, although we find some Protestants
and Evangelic Christians in the Brazilian group. About one third of he Guinea-Bissauans are
Muslim. Seventy seven per cent of the Ukrainians profess the Orthodox faith. Sixty per cent of
the Roma are Evangelic, but about a fifth of them claims to have no religious faith.
Table 11 - What is your religious faith? (P.5) per minority group (F.3)
Animist
Catholic
Ortodox
Protestant
Muslim
Evangelic
None
Other
Dk/Na
Total
N
Mode
36
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
0%
59%
0%
8%
0%
17%
10%
6%
0%
100%
404
Catholic
0%
84%
0%
2%
0%
0%
9%
4%
1%
100%
399
Catholic
0%
52%
0%
2%
35%
1%
3%
5%
0%
100%
403
Catholic
0%
14%
77%
1%
0%
0%
4%
4%
0%
100%
413
Ortodox
0%
19%
0%
0%
0%
60%
18%
2%
0%
100%
401
Evangelic
Source: this survey
Gender and religion are bound together in the Guinea-Bissauan and Roma groups. GuineaBissauan women are more Catholic than men of the same nationality, who, in their turn, are
more likely to be Muslims. Or, perhaps, Muslim women were harder for our interviewers to
come by, either because of their role in their home culture, which may inhibit migration, or
because of a process of cultural and religious change associated to migration itself. A recent
study shows that the migratory project of Muslim women is often consciously or unconsciously linked to an intention to overcome subordinate status in the home culture, which in turn is
strongly associated to religion.59 Roma women are more Evangelical, while Roma men tend to
have comparatively higher levels of disbelief or religious indifference.
59
Abranches, Maria (2004) Pertenças
Fechadas em Espaços Abertos: Estratégias
de (re)Construção Identitária de Mulheres
Muçulmanas em Portugal, Lisboa:
CIES/ISCTE.
60
Chi-square tests consist of a
comparison between the observed
results, i.e., the way observations are
actually distributed between the cells of
the cross-tabluation, and the expected
results, i.e., the way the observations
would scatter if there was no
relationship between the column and
the row variables. If there are more than
20 per cent of the cells with expected
frequencies (counts) below five, the test
is unreliable.
Applying a Chi-square test to the cross tabulation of age and religious faith for each groups
encounters the problem of a high number of cells with expected values below five.60 Still,
reading from the adjusted standardized residuals we are able to point out that there is a lower
percentage of Muslims among the young Guinea-Bissauans than on the rest of this group. The
Roma, in turn, tend to be more catholic if older and more without religious affiliation if younger.
Recent arrivals from Brazil tend to be more evangelic than longer established Brazilians. A similar
trend can be found in the Ukrainians: there is a greater share of Orthodox amongst recent
arrivals than among their longer established countrymen. This could be the effect of Catholic
proselitism.
The analysis of the religious faith variable also faces the problem of a high number of cells with
expected values inferior to five. Still, one can observe that Brazilians of Protestant or 'other'
faiths have a higher presence in the Norte region than expected if there was no relationship
between faith and region of residence. Evangelic Brazilians, on the other hand appear to be
particularly concentrated in the Lisboa region. Applying the same logic to the Ukrainians, we
notice that relatively few of Orthodox faith live in Madeira and more Protestants than would
be expected reside in the Alentejo. The dwelling of Orthodox Ukrainians in the Algarve and
Catholic Ukrainians in Lisboa also exceed expectations formulated under the hypothesis
of there being no relationship between faith and regional settling. Roma Catholics are
overrepresented in the Alentejo region, while being underrepresented in the Norte and Centro
regions. The Evangelic are overrepresented in Grande Lisboa and clearly underrepresented in
Norte, where a surprising number of Roma without religious faith are to be found. The
relationship between region and religion may issue from sociability networks, which tend to
further the development of common practices of many kinds, among which the religious.
3.1.6. HIGHEST COMPLETED EDUCATION FROM NATIVE COUNTRY
Once again, we find that missing values are not only residual but also homogenously distributed,
so that no statistically significant differences were found in their distribution, either between the
minority groups themselves or between categories of the quota variables within each group. A
degree of association was found with overall education but given that this variable is created
from a combination of education in the native country and education in Portugal, this result is
merely tautological and has no reading.
The observed groups differ in the highest completed education from their native countries
(Portugal, in the case of the Roma). The median for this variable shows that the Cape Verdeans
and Roma have the lowest educational status: primary school for the Roma and second cycle
for the Cape Verdeans. Most remarkable is the fact that three tenths of the Roma have no
formal education at all and none has a college degree. On the opposite end, the median for
Ukrainians and Brazilians on this variable is secondary school. Still, despite having the same
median, these two groups differ sharply: about two fifths of Ukrainians have a university
degree, while the corresponding proportion for Brazilians is less than half of this. The GuineaBissauans have a slightly higher average education than the Cape Verdeans (their median is the
third cycle).
37
Table 12 - Highest completed education from native country (P.1) per minority group (F.3)
0 years
4 years
6 years
9 years
12 years
15 years
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
2%
6%
9%
19%
48%
16%
0%
100%
404
12 years
16%
26%
18%
16%
23%
1%
1%
100%
399
6 years
12%
15%
17%
34%
18%
2%
1%
100%
403
9 years
0%
1%
1%
10%
48%
40%
0%
100%
413
12 years
29%
42%
25%
3%
1%
0%
0%
100%
401
4 years
Source: this survey
Brazilian and Ukrainian women residing in Portugal have obtained more formal education in
their respective homelands than men of the same provenances. We found the opposite to be
true when testing the Roma for this association: Roma women are less formally educated than
Roma men. Published research suggests that the Roma culture ascribes to women a community
focused role which demands them abandon school at an early stage.61
61
Helena C. Araújo et al. (2002) Em
busca da Interculturalidade entre Mulheres
Ciganas e Padjas na Educação. Porto:
Universidade do Porto / Faculdade de
Psicologia e de Ciências da Educação e
Centro de Investigação e Intervenção
Educativas.
The relation between age and education in any given population tends to be composed of two
effects which work to cancel each other out. On one side, there is the individual trajectory of
a person through life, acquiring higher formal education levels as the years go by. On the other
hand, there is the generational or historic effect, which is composed of the tendency for the
levels of formal education in the societies to rise from generation to generation, thus implying
that older people will have less schooling. The latter effect seems to predominate in the Cape
Verdean and Roma groups, in which a negative correlation between age and schooling was
found. The former effect is visible in the Ukrainians, for which the correlation between age and
education from the native country is positive. The reason for the difference between groups is
probably to be found on the history of the inflow of these immigrants to Portugal.
Longer established Cape Verdeans tend to have a lower educational level acquired in the home
country than their more recently arrived compatriots.
Cape Verdeans in the Centro, Alentejo and Norte regions tend to have higher educational levels
than on Grande Lisboa or Algarve. The more educated Ukrainians, in contrast, tend to settle in
Grande Lisboa and the Norte region. As for the Roma, those living in the Norte region are the
less formally educated in the group, in plain contrast with the population residing in the Centro
and Grande Lisboa regions.
3.1.7. COMPLETION OF FURTHER EDUCATION IN PORTUGAL
There are no missing values in the answers to this filter question.
Table 13 - Completion of further education in Portugal (P.2a) per immigrant group (F.3)
38
Yes
No
Total
N
Mode
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
10%
90%
100%
404
No
24%
76%
100%
399
No
30%
70%
100%
403
No
3%
97%
100%
413
No
Source: this survey
In each of our samples the majority of respondents have not completed any further education
in Portugal. The African immigrants differ from the other two groups in that they have higher
proportions of respondents completing further education in Portugal.
For all four of the immigrant groups, the completion of further education in Portugal has no
direct relationship with the respondents' gender.
Younger Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans have a higher probability of having completed
further education in Portugal, a fact that probably arises from these being the longer established
migrant groups.
There is a tendency for immigrants established in Portugal for more than five years to have
completed some further education in the host country. This trend, though manifest in all groups,
only is actually statistically significant in the Cape Verdean and Brazilian groups.
Once again, though cells with predicted values inferior to five are more than 20 per cent, some
observations can be made: Brazilian immigrants living in the Norte have a higher probability of
having completed some kind of further education in Portugal than those settled in the Grande
Lisboa region. Guinea-Bissauans living in the Centro region are also more likely to have completed further education in Portugal than those living in other regions.
3.1.8. HIGHEST COMPLETED EDUCATION IN PORTUGAL
The missing values in this question are neither residual nor homogenously distributed. Brazilians
and Cape Verdeans were more reluctant to answer what was the highest education they
completed in Portugal than Guinea-Bissauans and Ukrainians. As before, with the highest
completed education in the native country, a degree of association was found with overall
education but given that this variable is created from a combination of education in the native
country and education in Portugal, this result is merely tautological and has no reading. No
further statistically significant differences were found within the several groups.
Table 14 - Highest completed education in Portugal (P2b) per immigrant group (F.3)
4 years
6 years
9 years
12 years
15 years
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
0%
0%
14%
26%
50%
10%
100%
42
15 years
8%
13%
18%
21%
35%
5%
100%
97
12 years
7%
3%
16%
44%
31%
0%
100%
120
12 years
0%
0%
21%
29%
50%
0%
100%
14
15 years
Source: this survey
The most significant findings in the details of education completed in Portugal are that fifty
per cent of Brazilians and Ukrainians completed fifteen or more years, a result which differs
significantly from the Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans.
Unlike the highest level of education completed in their respective homelands, the highest level
of education completed in Portugal does not differ according to gender. Still, if we take into
account that the N for the latter questions are much smaller, this could be just an effect of this
lower basis.
We found, in all migrant groups but the Cape Verdeans, a positive correlation between age and
the level of further education completed in Portugal.
Longer established Cape Verdeans have completed comparatively lower educational levels in
Portugal.
We have too few cases to be able to say anything about the relationship between region and
the completion of further education levels in Portugal in each of the immigrant groups.
3.1.9. HIGHEST OVERALL EDUCATION
A new variable, highest overall education, was computed retaining, for each individual, the best
score out of highest completed education from native country and highest completed education
in Portugal. As in the original variables, the levels attained differ sharply across groups, which can
be placed in a continuum that ranges from the Roma to the Ukrainians.
39
Table 15 - Overall education (best of P.1 and P.2b) per minority group (F.3)
0 years
4 years
6 years
9 years
12 years
15 years
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
1%
6%
8%
19%
49%
18%
100%
400
12 years
10%
25%
19%
18%
20%
9%
100%
393
6 years
8%
15%
14%
27%
25%
11%
100%
401
9 years
0%
1%
1%
10%
48%
40%
100%
412
12 years
29%
42%
25%
3%
1%
0%
100%
401
4 years
Source: this survey
The association between overall education and gender follows closely the results obtained for
highest education completed in the native country: Brazilian and Ukrainian women are more
educated than men of the same nationalities, while Roma women are less educated than men
of the same ethnic group.
As before, with the highest completed education from the home country, we find that in the
Cape Verdean, Guinea Bissauan and Roma groups the correlation between age and overall
education is negative. For the Ukrainian group, though, the correlation of education and age is
positive. This is probably due to the fact that this influx is very recent and that migration typically
involves persons in the active ages, thus not allowing for the generational effect to contradict
the individual trajectory effect.
40
Long established Cape Verdeans tend to be less educated than more recently arrived ones.
The overall education differs significantly within the regions for all minority groups but the
Brazilians. Cape Verdeans living in the Algarve and Roma living in the Norte Region tend to be
less educated than their co-ethnics in other regions. The relationship between region and overall
education in the Guinea-Bissauans is particularly hard to interpret, given the fact that their great
concentration in Lisboa leaves only a small number of cases to the other regions. Lisboa and the
Norte region clearly attract the most educated Ukrainians. The fact that the more educated
immigrants settle in the greater urban centres suggests that the relationship between education
and regional settlement may be a consequence of differentiated job offer.
3.1.10. HAS A JOB/EMPLOYMENT
There are no missing values in this question
We found some differences between groups regarding the respondents having a
job/employment. The activity rates of the groups range from the Ukrainians, of whom more 85
per cent declared to have a job/employment, to the Guinea-Bissauans, of whom only 59 per
cent stated to have a job/employment. Following the Ukrainians we find the Brazilians with 76
per cent of active respondents declaring themselves employed.
Table 16 - Do you have a job/employment (P.3) per minority group (F.3)
Yes
No
Total
N
Mode
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
76%
24%
100%
404
Yes
69%
31%
100%
399
Yes
59%
41%
100%
403
Yes
85%
15%
100%
413
Yes
67%
33%
100%
401
Yes
Source: this survey
Brazilian and Guinea-Bissauan women have a lower employment rate than men of the same
nationalities.
A tendency for younger people not to have jobs/employments is present in all minorities but
only actually gets to become statistically significant in the Cape Verdean, Guinea Bissauan and
Roma groups.
Cape Verdeans who have been in Portugal for less than five years are more likely not to have a
job than their countrymen who have been in Portugal for a longer period. The longer established
immigrants have probably developed social capital (in the sense of belonging to informal networks
of socialisation and solidarity) that makes it easier for them to find a job.
The Brazilians with the lowest probability of declaring that they have a job live in the Norte
region. As for the Roma, there is a high number of individuals that state not to have a job in the
Alentejo region, whereas in the Norte and Centro regions the opposite occurs.
3.1.11. OCCUPATION
41
Occupation was measured through an open-ended question which was later coded according
with the major groups of the National Classification of Occupations62 (NCO-94). The NCO-94
results from the adaptation of the ILO's International Standard Classification of Occupations to
the Portuguese case. Our coding follows the order of the categories in the NCO-94. The
unabridged designations are: executive civil servants, industrial directors and executives;
professionals and scientists; middle management and technicians; administrative and related
workers; service and sales workers; farmers and skilled agricultural and fisheries workers; skilled
workers, craftsmen or similar; machine operator and assembly workers; and, finally, unskilled
workers.
Missing values in this question have little expression and do not differ significantly from group to
group or between categories of the control variables within each group.
Differences between the groups are statistically significant. Some of the most evident findings
that can be gleaned from this table are: these groups' economic insertion in low status occupations; the occupation or even class bipolarization of the Brazilian immigration, having, on one
side, a high number of service and sales workers, working mostly as waiters or shopkeepers,
and, on the other, a high percentage of executive civil servants, industrial directors and
executives; and the massive concentration of Roma on the category of unskilled workers, which
corresponds to this group's specialization in the market niche as merchants at fairs.
Women from all the migrant groups differ from men of the same origins in that they are more
concentrated in the 'service and sales' and 'unskilled workers' categories and less represented
in occupations classified under 'skilled workers'. The occupations of Roma women do not differ
significantly from those of men in the same ethnic group.
Employment and Vocational Training
Institute (2001) Classificação Nacional
de Profissões - Versão 1994 (2nd edition).
Lisboa: Employment and Vocational
Training Institute.
62
Table 17 - Job/occupation (P.4) per minority group (F.3)
Executive
Professionals
Technicians
Administrative
Service
Farmers
Skilled wks
Machine opts
Unskilled wks
Dk/Na
Total
N
Mode
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
5%
5%
3%
5%
39%
2%
18%
5%
18%
1%
100%
307
Service
1%
5%
3%
5%
20%
0%
32%
3%
30%
1%
100%
274
Skilled workers
3%
5%
3%
3%
17%
0%
41%
3%
25%
0%
100%
238
Skilled workers
0%
2%
0%
1%
12%
3%
40%
14%
27%
0%
100%
353
Skilled workers
0%
1%
0%
0%
8%
0%
0%
0%
90%
1%
100%
267
Unsk. workers
Source: this survey
Though the cross tabulation of age and occupation resists to being analysed with a Chi-square
measure, given the fact that there are many cells with expected values inferior to five, we are
going to take the liberty to interpret the adjusted standardized residuals: Brazilians and Guinea
Bissauans working as professionals and scientists tend to be in the older age group; Cape
Verdeans, Guinea-Bissauans and Ukrainians working as service and sales workers are distinctly
younger than would be expected if there was no relation between age and occupation; and so
are Guinea-Bissauans working as administrative and related workers.
42
Longer established Brazilians enjoy a clearly higher occupational status than that of their most
recently arrived compatriots. There is a clear correspondence between this fact and the lower
professional qualifications of the more recent waves of Brazilian immigrants.
Once again, the problem of numerous cells with low expected values poses itself. The probability
of finding Brazilians with white collar jobs, namely executives and scientists, is highest in the
Norte region. As for Cape Verdeans, white collar administrative workers are more likely to be
found in the Centro. The Roma, although scarcely spread through the working categories, have
an unusually high share of individuals in the Centro region working as services workers.
3.2. EMPLOYMENT
This section refers to three questions:
• P.8 - Have you ever not been offered a job you applied for and for which you were qualified
during the last five years because of your foreign background?
• P.9 - Have you missed a promotion when you wanted to advance in your job or been made
redundant because of your foreign background during the last five years?
• P.10 - Have you been subjected to insults or other forms of harassment at work because of
your foreign background during the last five years?
3.2.1. NOT BEEN OFFERED A JOB
The missing values are both residual and homogenously distributed, so that no statistical
differences were found either between the groups or, within groups, between categories of
the control variables.
As for the number of individuals that have not applied for a job in the last five years, we found
that it differs significantly among groups. The incidence of this situation amongst the Roma is
markedly superior. Looking for differences within groups according to control variables, we
found that the Guinea-Bissauans in their thirties or who have been in Portugal for more than
five years are more likely to have been looking for a job. It is also clear that Brazilians with college
degrees and Cape Verdeans who are either elderly or have no formal education have been
looking for a job less than the rest of their respective groups. Ukrainians in their late teens or
twenties are less likely than their countrymen in their forties and fifties to have been looking for
a job in the last five years. Brazilians who live in the Grande Lisboa region are more likely to
have been looking for work than their fellow citizens who live in the Norte region. The Roma
who live in the Norte region are much less likely to have applied for a job than people of the
same ethnic group living in other regions of the country.
Table 18 - P.8 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has appl.
Hasn't appl.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
91%
9%
0%
100%
404
80%
19%
0%
100%
399
83%
17%
0%
100%
403
97%
3%
0%
100%
413
33%
67%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
The alleged refusal of jobs on account of foreign or ethnic minority background differs
significantly among the groups. Guinea-Bissauans clearly report more of these occurrences than
the other groups, though not enough to produce a different median.
43
Table 19 - Not been offered a job (P.8) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
64%
16%
10%
10%
100%
366
No, Never
69%
18%
7%
5%
100%
321
No, Never
54%
21%
14%
11%
100%
333
No, Never
59%
26%
7%
8%
100%
401
No, Never
59%
31%
5%
5%
100%
132
No, Never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Brazilian men declare less having been the object of this discrimination than Brazilian women do.
• A weak negative correlation was found between age and a possible denial of a job on the
account of the respondents foreign background in the Cape Verdean and Ukrainian groups.
No significant correlation was found in any other group.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• The alleged refusal of a job on the account of the respondents foreign background is
distinctly higher amongst the Ukrainians living in the Norte and Algarve regions.
The adjustment of a loglinear model through backward elimination reveals that the relation
between minority group belonging and not being offered a job exists independently of the
influence of the other quota variables. So does the relation between region and not being offered
a job on account of foreign or ethnic minority background.
3.2.2. MISSED PROMOTION
Given that this variable was recoded and that this procedure affected the missing values, there
is no point in trying to analyse them.
The Roma clearly differ from the other groups in that a very large number of respondents claim
not to have worked in the last five years. In interpreting this finding one should bear in mind that
the question clearly refers to wage labour, which simply is not this group's mode of economic
integration. In what regards differences within groups, the Brazilians, Cape Verdeans and GuineaBissauans show a statistically significant lower number of women who have worked in the last
five years. Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans who arrived in the last five years are more likely
not to have worked in the last five years than their respective counterparts. Moreover, Cape
Verdeans with education at the level of a secondary school diploma have a lower probability of
having worked in the last five years. Another statistically significant difference within groups is
that Cape Verdeans, Guinea-Bissauans, Ukrainians and Roma in their late teens or twenties are
less likely to have worked in the last five years than the older members of their respective
groups. Roma in the Norte region are less likely to have worked in the last five years than people
of the same group living elsewhere.
Table 20 - P.9 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
44
Has wkd
Hasn't wkd
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
93%
6%
1%
100%
404
89%
11%
1%
100%
399
87%
12%
1%
100%
403
96%
2%
2%
100%
413
32%
61%
7%
100%
401
Source: this survey
The alleged refusal of promotion on a given professional situation varies significantly among the
five groups. The Ukrainians clearly have greater resentments about this kind of discrimination,
a situation that is easy to understand in light of their legitimate expectations, via superior
educational level, to higher status jobs.
Table 21 - Missed a promotion (P.9) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
84%
13%
2%
1%
100%
376
No, never
91%
7%
1%
1%
100%
354
No, never
79%
14%
4%
3%
100%
350
No, never
70%
19%
6%
5%
100%
398
No, never
93%
5%
1%
0%
100%
130
No, never
Source: this survey
As we analysed the groups for statistically significant differences between categories of the
control variables we discovered some other results apropos of this variable:
• Guinea-Bissauan men feel less the weight of this kind of discrimination than women of the
same provenance do, while amongst the Cape Verdean the opposite is true: men feel more
this kind of discrimination.
• No correlation was found between age and the feeling of having missed a promotion on
account of one's foreign/ethnic minority background.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• The Brazilians living in the Grande Lisboa have a higher probability of reporting this kind of
event than their fellow countrymen in the Centro or Algarve regions. Ukrainians living in
Algarve, on the contrary of Brazilians living in the same region, have high complaints
concerning promotions, a trace they share with their co-nationals living in the Norte region.
As for the Roma, the regions with a higher number of complaints are Centro and Norte.
Controlling for the quota variables results in a strengthened perception of the existence of
a relationship between minority group belonging and missing a promotion. The relationship
between region and missing a promotion on account of foreign or ethnic minority belonging
also survives controlling for the other quota variables.
3.2.3. HARASSMENT AT WORK
As with the former variable, harassment at work had to be recoded in a way that affected the
missing values. Consequently, any interpretation of these would be abusive.
Given that the recoding produced consistency between the two variables as to the set of
respondents who claimed not to have worked in the last five years, to interpret the same
phenomena on the basis of this question would be redundant with what was done for the
previous question.
Table 22 - P.10 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has wkd
Hasn't wkd
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
94%
6%
0%
100%
404
89%
11%
0%
100%
399
88%
12%
0%
100%
403
98%
2%
0%
100%
413
39%
61%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
In all groups a majority of respondents has no occurrences of harassment at work to declare.
Still, the Cape Verdeans report considerably less harassment at work than the other groups.
Table 23 - Insults at work (P.10) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
59%
16%
7%
18%
100%
381
No, never
70%
14%
7%
9%
100%
356
No, never
59%
18%
7%
16%
100%
353
No, never
62%
22%
8%
8%
100%
405
No, never
59%
19%
10%
11%
100%
157
1, 2 times
45
• Ukrainian men are more likely than women of the same nationality to have experienced
insults or other forms of harassment at work on account of their foreign/ethnic minority
background during the last five years.
• A weak negative correlation was found in the Ukrainian group between age and alleged
occurrences of harassment in the workplace due to the respondents' foreign origin.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• The Roma settled in the Centro region report more on experiences of harassment in the
workplace than their co-ethnics living in the Alentejo.
In light of the loglinear analysis, the relationship between being subjected to insults at work and
minority group belonging is revealed to be dependent on the interaction of these two variables
with gender. Furthermore, age is also confirmed to have a relationship with being subjected to
insults at work. This is manifest in the tendency for older respondents to report less on being
subjected to this kind of discrimination.
3.3. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS
This section refers to four questions:
• P.13 - Have you been subjected to insults or harassment by your neighbours because of your
foreign background during the last year?
46
• P.14 - Have you been subjected to threats, insults or other forms of harassment in other
contexts, e.g. on the street, the underground or similar because of your foreign background
during the last year?
• P.15 - Have you been subjected to violence, robbery, theft or any other serious crime during
the last year which you believe was due to your foreign background?
• P.12 - Have you been badly treated in school (or another institution of education, e.g. a
university or college of higher education) because of your foreign background during the
last five years?
3.3.1. HARASSMENT BY NEIGHBOURS
The missing values are residual and homogenously distributed, so that no statistical differences
between the groups were found. The only relation found between missing values in answer to
this question and a control variable within a group is a propensity for missing values in the Roma
living in the Algarve region.
About four fifths of respondents from any group state to have never been harassed by
neighbours. Ukrainians have a particularly privileged situation in this domain of discrimination,
given that almost nine tenths of them had no occurrences of harassment to report.
Table 24 - Harassment by neighbours (P.13) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
79%
13%
4%
4%
0%
100%
404
No, never
81%
12%
4%
3%
1%
100%
399
No, never
83%
10%
2%
3%
1%
100%
403
No, never
88%
8%
1%
1%
1%
100%
413
No, never
81%
10%
4%
5%
1%
100%
401
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Ukrainian women state to have been harassed by their neighbours on account of foreign
background more than Ukrainian men do.
• No correlation between age and harassment by neighbours was found.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• Roma settled in the Algarve have more complaints in this area than their co-ethnics living
elsewhere. Curiously enough, those in the Norte region report less on harassment by
neighbours than Roma of other regions. The strangeness emerges from the fact that the
media often circulate stories of bad treatment of Roma in the Norte region.
Still, adjusting a log linear model makes a case against the existence of a relationship between
belonging to any specific minority group and being subjected to insults by neighbours on
account of foreign or ethnic minority background. Another finding emerging from this analysis is
that the latter variable interacts with gender and region.
3.3.2. THREATS, INSULTS OR OTHER FORMS OF HARASSMENT ON THE STREETS
The missing values are residual and homogenously distributed: no statistical differences between
the groups were found.
Notwithstanding, an exact test for the association of overall education with this question's
missing values shows it to be statistically significant that, within the Brazilian population, the only
missing value of V17 corresponds to one of the three missing values in overall education.
Practical or even sociological significance and statistical significance are two very different things,
though, and we were unable to find any practical or sociological significance to this observation.
Again, Ukrainians show up in a position of relative ease regarding this domain of discrimination.
The African groups are the ones who had more occurrences of threats, insults or other forms
of harassment on the streets to report. These observations are coherent with the idea that the
discrimination of migrants is greater when phenotypical traces are more socially visible.
47
Table 25 - Threats on the street (P.14) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
75%
13%
5%
6%
0%
100%
404
No, never
62%
20%
8%
10%
1%
100%
399
No, never
62%
18%
7%
12
0%
100%
403
No, never
85%
9%
2%
%3%
1%
100%
413
No, never
76%
13%
6%
4%
1%
100%
401
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The two genders do not differ in their feeling of having been the object of this kind of discrimination in any of the five groups.
• Younger respondents in the Cape Verdean, Guinea-Bissauan and Ukrianian groups report
more occurrences of this kind than their older countrymen do.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• Reported harassment in contexts such as streets or public transportations only differs
between regions in the Roma sample. The highest figures are reported in the Alentejo and
the lowest in the Norte Region. A corroboration of these resuslts can be found in SOS
Racismo's63 survey of discrimination against the Roma, which concluded that the majority of
occurrences takes place in the Alentejo region.
48
Region, minority group belonging and age all emerge from the adjustment of a loglinear model
as having a relationship with the respondents being subjected to harassment in other contexts
on account of their foreign or ethnic minority belonging.
3.3.3. SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE
There are hardly any missing values in answers to this question. No association between
belonging to either of the groups and missing values in answers to this question was found. The
same applies within the groups: the categories of the control variables do not differ significantly.
At least nine tenths of respondents in any group reported no occurrences of violence or serious
crime committed against them due to their ethnic minority background. There were no significant
differences between groups.
Table 26 - Subjected to violence (P.15) per minority group (F.3)
63
http://www.sosracismo.pt/,
(31.10.2005)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
94%
5%
0%
0%
0%
100%
404
No, never
90%
9%
0%
0%
0%
100%
399
No, never
92%
7%
1%
0%
0%
100%
403
No, never
93%
6%
0%
0%
0%
100%
413
No, never
93%
5%
1%
0%
0%
100%
401
No, never
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Cape Verdean men testify to having been victims of hate crimes more than women of the
same nationality do.
• No correlation between age and being subjected to violence was found.
• No relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within any of the four
immigrant groups.
• The Roma living in the Lisboa region report suffering more of this kind of discrimination than
those settled in the Norte region do.
The notion that there is no relationship between belonging to any specific minority group
and being subjected to violence on account of foreign or ethnic minority belonging comes
strengthened out of the loglinear analysis. Another finding is that age interacts with gender in the
production of the multivariate distribution of this kind of discrimination.
3.3.4. BADLY TREATED AT SCHOOL
No statistically significant differences were found between the five groups in our missing value
analysis. Only one statistically significant difference was found within a group: Roma living in the
Algarve region are more likely to have a missing value answer to this question than people of
the same group living elsewhere in the country.
This question can also be read as an indirect indicator of the recent schooling of these groups.
Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans are the groups in which a larger portion of respondents
studied in the last five years, while Brazilians and Ukrainians, the most recent arrivals, have smaller
shares of people recently engaged in formal education. The effect of the length of stay in
Portugal makes itself felt in opposite directions in the groups of Brazilians and Cape Verdeans:
for the Brazilians a longer stay is associated with having studied recently, while in the case of the
Cape Verdeans a longer the stay is associated with not having studied in the last five years. In
all groups except the Ukrainians and Roma, the college graduates have a greater share of
respondents who did study in the last five years. Still, if we disregard the fact that no Roma have
a college degree, we will see that this tendency for higher educational levels to be associated to
attendance of school in the last five years also applies for this group. Cape Verdeans, GuineaBissauans and Roma in the younger age group are much more likely to have attended school in
the last five years than their elder fellow citizens. The subgroups of Brazilians and Cape Verdeans
who live in the Grande Lisboa region have a lesser proportion of people having studied in the
last five years. The same is true of Roma who live in the Norte region.
Table 27 - P.12 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has stud.
Hasn't stud.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
14%
86%
0%
100%
404
30%
69%
1%
100%
399
32%
67%
0%
100%
403
13%
87%
0%
100%
413
23%
76%
1%
100%
401
Source: this survey
No significant differences between groups were found in answers to this question. At least three
fourths of all people from any group who attended some kind of school in the last five years
have nothing to declare in this respect.
49
Table 28 - Bad treatment at school (P.12) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
77%
13%
4%
7%
100%
56
No, never
79%
13%
3%
4%
100%
120
No, never
75%
14%
5%
6%
100%
129
No, never
89%
9%
0%
2%
100%
55
No, never
75%
11%
5%
9%
100%
91
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The feeling of having been badly treated at school on the grounds of ethnic belonging only
differs between genders in the Brazilian group, where women seem to have much more to
complain about than men.
• A negative correlation was found between these variables in the Roma ethnic minority, so
that older respondents reported lesser occurrences.
• A relationship was found between this variable and length of stay within the two African
groups, albeit in opposite ways. Longer established Cape Verdeans tend to report
harassment at school more than their newly arrived countrymen do. Longer established
Guinea-Bissauans, on other way, tend to report harassment less than their more recently
arrived countrymen do.
50
• No relationship between region and bad treatment at school was found in any of the five
minority groups.
The loglinear analysis of the relationship between quota variables and being badly treated
at school on account of foreign or ethnic minority group belonging also finds no relation
between belonging to any particular minority and the latter variable. The role played by age
emerges from this analysis as significant, though.
3.4. SHOPS AND RESTAURANTS
This section refers to three questions:
• P.17 - Have you been refused entry into a shop when you wanted to buy something because
of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.16 - Have you been refused entry to a restaurant, a pub, a nightclub, dance hall or similar
because of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.19 - Have you been badly treated when you visited a restaurant or were buying something
in a shop because of your foreign background during the last year?
3.4.1. REFUSED ENTRY INTO A SHOP
Though very low in all groups, missing values in answers to this question are higher for the
Ukrainians. No differences of statistical significance were found within groups between the
categories of the control variables.
The groups also differ in the treatment received when visiting a shop buying something. The
Roma are clearly the group most affected by this kind of discrimination.
Table 29 - Refused entry into a shop (P.17) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
99%
1%
0%
0%
0%
100%
404
No, never
97%
2%
1%
0%
0%
100%
399
No, never
98%
1%
0%
0%
0%
100%
403
No, never
96%
2%
0%
0%
1%
100%
413
No, never
91%
6%
1%
2%
0%
100%
401
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• There are no differences in answers to these question between the two genders in any of
the five groups.
• No correlation with age was found, either.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
• The Roma settled in Alentejo report this kind of event more often than those living
elsewhere in the country.
The effect of belonging to a specific ethnic minority on having being refused entry into a shop
on account of foreign or ethnic minority belonging does not survive the control of the influence
of quota variables made through loglinear analysis. As a matter of fact, the model we arrived at
suggests that being refused entry into a shop on account of foreign or ethnic minority belonging
is a phenomenon not related to any of the quota variables.
3.4.2. REFUSED ENTRY TO A RESTAURANT
There is only one missing value in the set of five samples. No statistical differences, either
between the groups or within the groups, between categories of the control variables, were
found.
As for respondents who declare not to have gone out in the last year, their numbers vary
significantly between groups. Guinea-Bissauans clearly tend not to go out as much as Brazilians
or Ukrainians. Brazilian men tend to go out less than Brazilian women. In the Cape Verdean,
Guinea-Bissauan and Roma groups this situation is reversed: It is the men who tend to go out
more than the women. Ukrainians achieve a virtual parity amongst genders in this respect. The
Guinea-Bissauans who have been in Portugal for a longer period tend to go out more than their
newly arrived compatriots. Cape Verdeans who have little or no formal education or are in their
forties or fifties tend to get out less than their more educated and younger fellow citizens. For
some reason, Ukrainians in the Centro region seem to go out more than people of the same
group in other regions of the country. Older and uneducated Roma clearly go out less. So do
Roma living in the Norte region.
51
Table 30 - P.16 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has out
Hasn't out
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
97%
3%
0%
100%
404
91%
9%
0%
100%
399
83%
17%
0%
100%
403
95%
5%
0%
100%
413
94%
6%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
Despite having the same median, the five groups' scores on this indicator of discrimination
differ markedly. Brazilians have very seldom any kind of trouble when going out. Roma, on the
other hand, are much more likely to have had some kind of disagreeable experience when going
out during the last year.
Table 31 - Refused entry to a restaurant (P.16) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
94%
3%
2%
1%
100%
390
No, never
88%
8%
2%
2%
100%
363
No, never
90%
7%
1%
1%
100%
336
No, never
86%
9%
2%
3%
100%
392
No, never
75%
13%
6%
6%
100%
376
No, never
Source: this survey
52
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Men in all groups tend to feel discrimination upon going out more than women do. Though
present, the difference doesn't quite make it to be statistically significant in the GuineaBissauan group.
• We found that in the Cape Verdean and Ukrainian groups, the younger the individual, the
higher the probability of being refused entry to a restaurant, pub, nightclub or similar.
• No correlation of experiencing this kind of trouble when going out and length of stay was
found in any of the four immigrant groups.
• While the regional distribution of Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans seems to be related
to different levels of perceived discrimination, it is hard to pinpoint a region or set of regions
as differing significantly from Lisboa, given the great concentration of these populations on
that area and the short base (N) for other regions that this implies. The Roma living in the
Alentejo region tend to feel more discriminated than those dwelling in the Lisboa region.
Still, when controlling for the effect of the quota variables through loglinear analysis we found
out that the best model obtained through backward elimination does not include any
interaction between belonging to any specific minority group and being refused entry into a
restaurant on account of foreign or ethnic minority belonging. Gender, region and age all tend
to play a role, though.
3.4.3. BAD TREATMENT WHEN VISITING A RESTAURANT OR BUYING SOMETHING
The Roma present a considerably higher extent of missing values to this question. The only
Brazilian who didn't answer this question also has a missing value in overall education. The exact
test brings this out as statistically significant but we find no practical or sociological significance
to this observation.
Though the medians are identical, the groups differ in a way that is statistically significant.
Ukrainians have less trouble in this kind of interaction than the other groups, while the Roma
appear as the most discriminated group in this kind of situation.
Table 32 - Bad treatment when buying something in a shop (P.19) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
84%
10%
3%
3%
0%
100%
404
No, never
84%
10%
4%
2%
0%
100%
399
No, never
84%
10%
1%
4%
0%
100%
403
No, never
89%
7%
1%
1%
1%
100%
413
No, never
77%
12%
4%
5%
2%
100%
401
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Discrimination in this specific context does not differ from gender to gender in any of the
five immigrant groups.
• A weak negative correlation was found, in the Cape Verdean and Ukrainian groups, between
bad treatment on account of foreign/ethnic minority belonging and age. The older the
respondents, the less they are likely to experience this kind of situation.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant groups.
• Significant statistical differences between regions are only to be found amongst Roma. Those
settled in the Centro Region tend to feel victims of this kind of discrimination more strongly,
while those in the Norte complain less about this kind of occurrence.
The adjustment of a loglinear model to the cross tabulation of quota variables and being badly
treated when visiting a restaurant on account of foreign or ethnic minority background points
to the latter variable being independent on any of the former.
3.5. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS
This section refers to two questions:
• P.11 - Have you been denied the opportunity to buy/rent an apartment or house because
of your foreign background during the last five years?
• P.18 - Have you been denied the possibility to hire something or buy something on credit
(credit card or pay by instalments), e.g. a car, video recorder or similar, or loan money from
a bank because of your foreign background during the last year?
53
3.5.1. DENIED THE OPPORTUNITY TO BUY OR RENT AN APARTMENT OR HOUSE
There is a very small number of missing values, which distribute homogenously between the
groups. The tests for association of the missing values with control variables within the groups
also came up negative.
The proportion of Roma who have tried to buy or rent an apartment or house is clearly inferior
to the other groups.The Brazilians and Guinea-Bissauans who have been in Portugal for less than
five years or are in their late teens or twenties have a smaller proportion of respondents who
have tried to buy or rent an apartment or house than would be expected if length of stay and
age played no role. Cape Verdeans in the Centro region have been more active in looking for a
house or apartment than people of the same origin living in other regions of Portugal. Roma
with in the [26, 45] age group or living in the Grande Lisboa region are more likely to have tried
to buy or rent an apartment or house than would be expected if age and region played no role.
Table 33 - P.11 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has appl.
Hasn't appl.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
73%
27%
0%
100%
404
62%
38%
1%
100%
399
65%
35%
0%
100%
403
77%
22%
0%
100%
413
46%
54%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
The Roma group, having a higher median for this variable, is clearly the one who feels more
discriminated against in its attempted access to the housing market.64
54
Table 34 - Been denied the opportunity to buy/rent an apartment or house (P.11)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
56%
29%
8%
7%
100%
295
No, never
61%
28%
8%
4%
100%
247
No, never
61%
25%
9%
6%
100%
261
No, never
66%
23%
4%
8%
100%
320
No, never
40%
28%
16%
16%
100%
183
1, 2 times
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
In fact, some Roma have developed a
way of turning this kind of discrimination
into a resource. A Roma woman who
does not evidence phenotypical traits
and appears dressed in a conventional
mainstream fashion makes a down
payment for an apartment. She takes
possession of the apartment and later
reappears in Roma garb along with her
family. The builders will then repurchase
the option on the apartment or face
the depreciation of their yet unsold
apartments,
http://www.gestaodocondominio.net/
article.php?sid=599, (31.10.2005)
64
• The feeling of having been denied access to the housing market on grounds of ethnic
belonging does only differs between the two genders in the Roma group. Roma men are
more likely than women of the same ethnic group to report this kind of experience.
• A negative correlation was found in the Brazilian and Cape Verdean minorities between
age and alleging to have been denied access to the housing market on account of foreign
background. Younger respondents report a higher number of such occurrences.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant groups.
• No relationship between region of residence and felt discrimination in the housing market
was found for any of the groups.
The loglinear analysis of the relationship of the quota variables with being denied the
opportunity to buy or rent an apartment or house on account of foreign or ethnic minority
background points to the latter's independence on all quota variables but age.
3.5.2. DENIED THE POSSIBILITY TO HIRE SOMETHING OR BUY SOMETHING ON CREDIT
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed, so that
no statistical differences between the groups were found. The missing values also scatter randomly
within the groups, for no differences were found between categories of the control variables.
Guinea-Bissauans have a lower propensity than other groups for using or trying to use credit.
Within this very same group, women have resorted to credit less than men of the same nationality.
In all groups, the longer respondents have been in Portugal, the more likely it is that they used
or tried to use credit. Ukrainians with an education at third cycle level have a clear propensity for
not having used or tried to use credit. Brazilian, Cape Verdean and Roma youths have tried to
use credit markedly less than their more older fellow citizens. The Brazilians living in the Alentejo
and Grande Lisboa regions are less likely to have tried to use credit in the last year than their
countrymen residing in the rest of Portugal. So are the Roma living in the Norte region.
Table 35 - P.18 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Has askd
Hasn't askd
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
44%
56%
0%
100%
404
43%
57%
0%
100%
399
35%
64%
0%
100%
403
45%
55%
0%
100%
413
54%
46%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
The groups differ in a way that is statistically significant in their experience of denial of credit.
Brazilians and Ukrainians report having been through this sort of situation more often than the
other groups in the last year.
Table 36 - Been denied the possibility to hire something or buy something on credit (P.18)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
46%
42%
5%
7%
100%
177
1, 2 times
70%
23%
5%
2%
100%
172
No, never
54%
36%
6%
4%
100%
143
No, never
47%
38%
9%
6%
100%
184
1, 2 times
61%
27%
8%
4%
100%
218
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Brazilian and Cape Verdean men feel the yoke of discrimination in the access to credit more
strongly than women of the same nationalities do.
• In the cape Verdean minority, denial of credit on the grounds of foreign/ethnic minority
belonging is associated to age. The younger respondents seem more likely to find themselves
in this kind of situation that the older ones.
55
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
• The Roma settled in Alentejo report this kind of event more often than those living
elsewhere in the country.
The adjustment of a loglinear model reveals the existence of an interaction between gender,
minority group belonging and being denied the possibility to hire something or buy something
on credit on account of foreign or ethnic minority background. Age also emerges from this
analysis as having a significant relationship with the latter variable.
3.6. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION
This section refers to six questions:
• P.20 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the
employment agency because of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.21 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the social
insurance office because of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.23 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the
healthcare services because of your foreign background during the last year?
56
• P.24 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the social
services because of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.22 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the police
because of your foreign background during the last year?
• P.25 - Have you ever been badly treated or received poor service in contacts with the
Borders and Foreigners Service because of your foreign background during the last year?
3.6.1. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
No statistical differences were found in the distribution of missing values across groups. The
same is true within each group: the categories of the control variables do not differ in terms of
missing values.
As for the number of respondents that declare not having contacted with an employment agency,
we found some statistically significant differences between groups. The incidence of this situation
is highest, with very similar values, in the Roma, Brazilian and Cape Verdean groups, while the
Guinea-Bissauans and Ukrainians present somewhat lower percentages. Brazilian and GuineaBissauan men and recent arrivals were found less likely to have resorted to the services of
the employment agency than the women and longer established residents of the respective
nationalities. Brazilians in the Norte region are more likely to have contacted with the
employment agency than their countrymen who live elsewhere in Portugal. Guinea-Bissauans
and Ukrainians living in the Algarve region are less likely than their co-nationals to have
contacted with the employment agency in the last year. The Roma of the Norte region are less
likely to have been in contact with the employment agency during the last year than people of
the same group elsewhere in Portugal.
Table 37 - P.20 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Had cont.
No cont.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
33%
67%
0%
100%
404
33%
67%
0%
100%
399
43%
57%
0%
100%
403
48%
52%
0%
100%
413
32%
68%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
Cape Verdeans with an education at third cycle level are more likely than the rest of their
compatriots to have resorted to the employment centre during the last year. In the Ukrainian
group there is also a relation between overall education and having resorted to the employment
agency but the category that seems to use more of these services are college graduates.
Guinea-Bissauans with first cycle education are the subgroup of this nationality more likely to
have been in contact with the employment agency. Finally, higher educated Roma are more likely
to have been in contact with the employment agency during the last year.
The groups do not differ significantly in their experiences of discrimination in contacts with the
employment agency. Whichever groups we consider, at least four fifths of the respondents state
not to have had any trouble in their dealings with this kind of organisation.
Table 38 - Been badly treated in contacts with the employment agency (P.20)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
86%
9%
2%
2%
100%
133
No, never
92%
6%
2%
0%
100%
133
No, never
90%
8%
1%
1%
100%
172
No, never
89%
8%
1%
2%
100%
198
No, never
84%
9%
2%
4%
100%
129
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Guinea-Bissauan women assert to have been discriminated in contacts with the employment
agency more than men of the same provenance do.
• No correlation was found between age and discrimination in contacts with the employment
agency.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
• No relationship between bad treatment at the employment agency and regional setting
were found for any of the five groups.
The adjustment of a loglinear model reveals an interesting interaction between being badly
treated at the employment agency, gender and length of stay. The longer established male
migrants feel this discrimination less than women under the same circumstances do, while in the
more recently arrived subgroup the two genders do not differ. This is probably explained as a
positive – in the sense of less subjective discrimination being felt – effect of longer exposure to
57
this institution on men's perception of being discriminated. The question then is why does the
perception of women not follow this positive tendency. This analysis does not produce evidence
of any relation between belonging to a specific minority group and this particular kind of
discrimination.
3.6.2. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL INSURANCE OFFICE
There are hardly any missing values for this question and no statistical differences between the
groups were found. Inside the groups the outline is the same: there are no differences between
categories of the control variables.
58
The groups clearly differ in their likeliness to have come in contact with the social insurance
office in the last year. Only three fifths of Brazilians have done so, while four fifths is the
corresponding proportion of Ukrainians. Female Roma are more likely to have been in contact
with the social insurance office than male Roma. Brazilians and Guinea-Bissauans who arrive in
Portugal more recently have a lower probability of having been in contact with the social
insurance office than their longer established compatriots. Brazilians with secondary education
are more likely to have been in contact with the social insurance office than their co-nationals
with education ranging from the second to the third cycle. In the Cape Verdean group the opposite is true: respondents with secondary school are less likely to have been in contact with the
social insurance office than their compatriots with education ranging from the first to the second
cycle. Age also seems to play a role in determining if people contact with the social insurance
office: elderly Brazilians have a higher probability of having been in contact with the social
insurance office than their younger fellow citizens. In the Cape Verdean group it is the propensity
of the young not to have had contact with the social insurance office that is more strikingly
different from the expected value under the hypothesis of no association between the two
variables. The Roma of the Alentejo are more likely than people of the same group living
elsewhere in the country to have been in contact with the social insurance office in the last year.
Table 39 - P.21 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Had cont.
No cont.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
61%
39%
0%
100%
404
68%
32%
0%
100%
399
67%
33%
0%
100%
403
80%
20%
0%
100%
413
65%
34%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
Though the groups have equal medians, they differ in a way that is statistically significant. The
Roma are more likely than the other groups to have had trouble with the social insurance
office during the last year.
Table 40 - Been badly treated in contacts with the social insurance office (P.21)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
90%
7%
1%
2%
100%
246
No, never
87%
11%
2%
0%
100%
273
No, never
87%
10%
1%
2%
100%
270
No, never
89%
9%
1%
1%
100%
331
No, never
81%
11%
4%
4%
100%
261
No, never
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The Roma are the only group where gender appears associated to discrimination in the
contacts with social insurance. The women of this ethnic minority feel more of this kind of
discrimination than the men do.
• There is no relation between age and discrimination in contacts with the social insurance
office.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
• Roma in Algarve have the highest rate of complaints of discrimination in contacts with the
social insurance office, while the Roma living in the Norte region have the lowest.
The apparent relationship between group belonging and being badly treated in contacts with
the social insurance office on account of foreign or ethnic minority background does not hold
in the loglinear analysis. The latter variable seem to have no relationship at all with the quota
variables.
3.6.3. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE HEALTHCARE SERVICES
No statistically significant differences in missing values were found, either within or between
minority groups.
As for the number of individuals that reported not having had any contact with healthcare
services during the previous year, some significant differences between groups were found.
Brazilians and Ukrainians are the groups with more respondents declaring having not had any
contact with healthcare services in the last year, while Roma and Cape Verdeans have the
highest number of individuals stating to have had contact with healthcare services. Brazilian,
Cape Verdean and Guinea-Bissauan men are less likely to have had contact with the healthcare
services in the last year than the women of the same origins. Long established Brazilians are
more likely to have been in contact with the healthcare services in the last year than their more
recently arrived countrymen.
Brazilians who live in Lisboa have had less contact with the healthcare system than their
countrymen living elsewhere in Portugal. The Roma of the Norte region come out as having
had less contact with the healthcare services than people of the same ethnic group elsewhere
in the country.
Table 41 - P.23 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Had cont.
No cont.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
71%
29%
0%
100%
404
88%
12%
1%
100%
399
85%
15%
0%
100%
403
75%
24%
1%
100%
413
87%
13%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
There are no statistically significant differences between groups in what regards discrimination
in contacts with the healthcare services. All the groups have more than eighty percent of
respondents stating to have had no trouble in this context.
59
Table 42 - Been badly treated in contacts with the healthcare services (P.23)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
86%
9%
2%
3%
100%
287
No, never
88%
9%
2%
2%
100%
351
No, never
89%
10%
1%
1%
100%
341
No, never
86%
10%
2%
2%
100%
309
No, never
82%
13%
3%
2%
100%
349
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Brazilian women feel more discriminated in their contacts with the healthcare system than
men of the same nationality do.
• No statistically significant correlation was found between age and bad treatment at the
healthcare services in any of the five groups.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
60
• Though the Kruskal-Wallis H tells us that there is a relationship between regions and bad
treatment of Cape Verdeans in contacts with the healthcare system, the low number of cases
in regions other than Lisboa does not allow for a clear and trustworthy interpretation.
No evidence of a relationship between being badly treated in contacts with the healthcare
services on account of foreign or ethnic minority background is produced through the adjustment
of a loglinear model. What is observed is quite the reverse, actually: parsimony clearly indicates
there to be no relationship between the former and the latter variables.
3.6.4. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL SERVICES
Although the missing values in this question are few, the groups differ in a way that is statistically
significant, the Roma showing a clearly higher rate of non responses. No differences within
groups according to categories of the control variables were found significant.
The Brazilians are the group with the highest share of individuals who had no contact with the
social services, whereas the Roma are clearly the group in which more individuals had some
contact with the social services during the last year. Cape Verdean, Guinea-Bissauan and Roma
women are more likely to have had contact with the social services during the last year than
the men of their respective groups. Longer established Brazilians and Ukrainians are more
likely to have had some kind of contact with the social services during the last year. Ukrainians
with a college degree are the educational stratum of the group more likely to have come into
contact with the social services during the last year. Brazilians, Cape Verdeans and Roma living
in the Grande Lisboa region are less likely to have had contact with the social services than their
countrymen living in the Norte region. As for the Ukrainians, the subgroup living in the Algarve
have had much less contact with the social services than the subgroup dwelling in the Lisboa
region.
Table 43 - P.24 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Had contact
No contact
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
17%
83%
0%
100%
404
34%
66%
0%
100%
399
33%
67%
0%
100%
403
38%
62%
0%
100%
413
51%
48%
1%
100%
401
Source: this survey
Though the medians are identical, the groups differ in regard to this variable, the Roma feeling
clearly more discriminated in their contacts with the social services than the other groups.
Table 44 - Been badly treated in contacts with the social services (P.24)
per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
93%
4%
1%
1%
100%
70
No, never
88%
10%
1%
1%
100%
134
No, never
91%
5%
2%
1%
100%
134
No, never
92%
6%
1%
1%
100%
156
No, never
79%
14%
4%
2%
100%
203
No, never
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The discrimination felt in contacts with the social services does not vary along the lines of
gender differences.
• No correlation between age and bad treatment or poor service in contacts with the social
services on account of foreign/ethnic minority background was found in any of the groups.
• The longer established Brazilians and Cape Verdeans tend to have experienced more of this
kind of discrimination than their fellow countrymen who have arrived more recently to
Portugal.
• Though for the Ukrainians the region of residence seems to be connected to feeling this
kind of discrimination, the number of cases in other regions than Lisboa does not allow a
trustworthy interpretation.
The loglinear analysis produces strong evidence of the independence of being badly treated in
contacts with the social services on account of foreign or ethnic minority background regarding
the quota variables.
3.6.5. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE POLICE
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed, so
that no statistical differences between the groups were found. No differences within the groups
according to the control variables were found, either.
As for the number of respondents that have not contacted with the police during the former
year, statistically significant differences between groups can be found. The incidence of this
61
situation is superior, and quite similar, between Brazilians and Cape Verdeans, and lowest among
Roma. Cape Verdean and Roma men are more likely than the women of the same groups to
come into contact with the police. In all immigrant groups but the Cape Verdeans, the newly
arrived are less likely to have come into contact with the police in the last year. Cape Verdeans
with secondary school or higher education are more likely to come into contact with the
police than their fellow citizens with a first cycle education. Ukrainians with an education at third
cycle level come into contact with the police less than their compatriots of all other levels of
education. Brazilians of the Centro region have clearly had more interaction with the police
during the last year than their countrymen living in Lisboa. The same can be said of Cape
Verdeans living in Alentejo, when compared to those residing in Lisboa. The Roma of the Norte
region are less likely than people of the same ethnic group elsewhere in Portugal to have been
in contact with the police during the last year.
Table 45 - P.22 pseudo filter question per minority group (F.3)
Had cont.
No cont.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
31%
69%
0%
100%
404
32%
67%
1%
100%
399
37%
63%
0%
100%
403
49%
51%
0%
100%
413
70%
30%
0%
100%
401
Source: this survey
The median of bad treatment received in contacts with the police is higher for the Roma
than for the other groups. In Portugal, complaints made by the Roma on account of being
discriminated by the police have been growing of late. The ECRI report,65 for instance, manifests
some concern for the relationship between police forces and the Roma. The Africans come
second in this hierarchy of trouble with the police, with about 25 per cent of complaints, while
the Ukrainians and the Brazilians have only about 15 per cent of people who have some
complaint issuing from their contacts with the police in the last year.
62
Table 46 - Been badly treated in contacts with the police (P.22) per minority group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
88%
10%
1%
2%
100%
125
No, never
77%
17%
4%
2%
100%
128
No, never
76%
20%
3%
1%
100%
148
No, never
86%
13%
0%
0%
100%
203
No, never
49%
24%
8%
18%
100%
280
1, 2 times
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Cape Verdean men are more prone to feel discriminated in contacts with the police than
women of the same minority group do.
• No correlation between age and reporting being discriminated by the police was found in
any group.
65
ECRI (2002) Segundo relatório
sobre Portugal, Strasbourg:
Council of Europe. p.21
• Longer established Brazilians tend to have experienced less bad treatment from the police
than more recently arrived ones. Still, it must be remembered that there is a clear class gap
between these two groups of Brazilians.
• No significant relationship between region and perceptions of having been badly treated by
the police exists in any of the five minority groups.
The relationship between being badly treated in contacts with the police on account of foreign
or ethnic minority background is the only that holds its own when we control for the effect of
other quota variables via the adjustment of a loglinear model.
3.6.6. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE BORDERS AND FOREIGNERS SERVICE
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed,
so that no statistical differences between the groups or within the groups, according to the
categories of the control, variables, were found.
In what regards the respondents' contact with the Borders and Foreigners Service, it was found
that the groups differ in a way that is statistically significant. The proportion of Brazilians that had
no contact with the Borders and Foreigners Service during the last year more than doubles the
corresponding figure for Ukrainians. Within the groups it was found that Guinea-Bissauan
women are more likely to have had contacts with the Borders and Foreigners Service than men
of the same origin. Longer established Brazilians have had more contact with the Borders and
Foreigners Service than their more recently arrived co-citizens. Ukrainians educated at the level
of the third cycle are less likely than their compatriots to have had recent contact with the
Borders and Foreigners Service. Younger Brazilians have had less contact with the Borders and
Foreigners Service than their elder compatriots. The same is true for Brazilians and Ukrainians
living in the Algarve region.
Table 47 - P.25 pseudo filter question per immigrant group (F.3)
63
Has cont
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
N
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
75%
25%
0%
100%
404
83%
17%
0%
100%
399
79%
21%
0%
100%
403
89%
11%
0%
100%
413
Source: this survey
The four minority groups do not differ in a way that is statistically significant in regard to this
variable. The groups range from twenty to thirty percent of respondents declaring to have had
some experience of discrimination in this context during the last year.
Table 48 - Been badly treated in contacts with the Borders and Foreigners Service (P.25)
per immigrant group (F.3)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Total
N
Median
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
71%
16%
6%
7%
100%
302
No, never
77%
14%
5%
5%
100%
331
No, never
72%
19%
6%
3%
100%
318
No, never
75%
12%
8%
5%
100%
367
No, never
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The discrimination felt in contacts with the Borders and Foreigners Service does not differ
between the two genders in any of the four groups to which the question was posed.
• A negative correlation between age and bad treatment at the Foreigners and Borders
Service was found in the Brazilian group. The older the individuals, the less likely it is that
they report having been badly treated in the last year.
• No correlation of this variable with length of stay was found in any of the four immigrant
groups.
• Though Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans seem to differ regionally in regard to this
variable, the low number of cases in regions other than Lisboa makes it impossible to issue
a clear statement about this relationship between variables. As for the Ukrainians, their regional
dispersion provides the security necessary to assert that: those in the Algarve have more to
complain about their treatment by the Borders and Foreigners Service than their countrymen
now living in the Centro region.
Only region was found to interact with having experienced bad treatment or received poor
service in contacts with the Borders and Foreigners Service when controlling for the influence
of other quota variables through loglinear analysis.
64
Many two and three way interactions were found between the seventeen core questions on
perceived discrimination and other control variables such as gender or age. This leaves room for
further analysis of this information, beyond the scope of the present report. We recommend
that, as soon as the EUMC has made its own use of the information, the datasets produced in
the totality of these projects be made available to the scientific community by download from
the EUMC web page.
3.7. SUBJECTIVE INTEGRATION
3.7.1. MAKE PORTUGUESE FRIENDS
There are very few cases with missing values in answer to this question. These are not only
residual but also homogenously distributed, so that no statistical differences were found either
between the groups or, within the groups, between categories of the control variables.
Roma are the group that consider it easier to make friends in the ethnic majority, probably
because they have always lived side-by-side with them, while the immigrants' experience of
dealing with ethnic majority Portuguese is, by definition, limited to a few years. Ukrainians follow
closely. Cape Verdeans and Brazilians find it somehow more difficult, but still 'quite easy', to make
Portuguese friends. Still, 30 per cent of Cape Verdeans and Brazilians speak of making
Portuguese friends as 'quite difficult' and 10 per cent of Brazilians even consider it to be 'very
difficult'. Common sense suggests that perhaps this is due to the fact that each people uses its
own openness as a baseline to judge the host society. The most dissonant group in this scenario is
the Guinea-Bissauans, whose median result is finding it 'quite difficult' to make Portuguese
friends.
Table 49 - Easy or difficult to make Portuguese / members of the ethnic majority friends (P.6)
per minority group (F.3)
Very easy
Quite easy
Quite diff.
Very diff.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
6%
54%
30%
10%
0%
100%
404
Quite easy
5%
60%
30%
5%
0%
100%
399
Quite easy
5%
44%
33%
18%
1%
100%
403
Quite diff.
15%
63%
19%
3%
0%
100%
413
Quite easy
22%
66%
8%
2%
0%
100%
401
Quite easy
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Guinea-Bissauan and Ukrainian men find it harder to make Portuguese friends than women
of the same provenances do.
• Older cape Verdeans tend to find it easier to make Portuguese friends than do younger
people of the same nationality.
• Longer established Guinea-Bissauans find it harder to make Portuguese friends than newly
arrived ones do.
3.7.2. SENSE OF BELONGING TO PORTUGAL
Though there are hardly any missing values in answer to this question, the difference between
groups is found to have statistical significance. Cape Verdeans are the group that evades
answering the most. Only one association was found between missing values and the control
variables within the groups: elderly Cape Verdeans have a higher missing value rate than their
younger fellow countrymen.
The average scores for this question are very similar and marginally positive in all migrant groups.
The Roma have a much higher score, which shouldn't surprise us, given that they are
Portuguese.
Table 50 - Sense of belonging, loyalty and identification with Portugal (P.7)
per minority group (F.3)
1 - Min.
2
3
4
5
6
7 - Max.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Mean
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
8%
5%
11%
25%
25%
13%
13%
0%
100%
404
4,5
8%
7%
16%
24%
23%
12%
11%
1%
100%
399
4,2
11%
6%
10%
27%
15%
10%
20%
1%
100%
403
4,4
5%
7%
10%
40%
19%
11%
8%
0%
100%
413
4,3
3%
2%
2%
4%
9%
13%
67%
0%
100%
401
6,2
65
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Guinea-Bissauan men feel a stronger sense of belonging to Portugal than women of the
same provenance.
• Older people in all the foreign minorities feel a greater attachment to Portugal than do their
younger countrymen.
• In all immigrant groups but the Ukrainians, of which very few have been in the country for
a longer period, a longer stay in Portugal corresponds to an increased emotional attachment
to the country.
3.7.3. FEELING OF BELONGING TO HOMELAND/CULTURE
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed, so
that no statistical differences between the groups were found. The same is true for differences
within groups along the lines of the control variables' categories.
The groups differ markedly in what regards their feeling of belonging to their respective
homelands.The Roma have a very strong feeling of belonging to their culture, while the Ukrainians
feel clearly more detached than the other immigrants towards their respective homelands.
Table 51 - Feeling of belonging in your homeland/culture (P.26) per minority group (F.3)
66
1 - Min.
2
3
4
5
6
7 - Max.
Dk/Na
Total
N
Mean
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
2%
1%
4%
9%
8%
9%
67%
0%
100%
404
6,1
1%
1%
2%
3%
4%
8%
80%
1%
100%
399
6,5
2%
2%
1%
5%
5%
11%
73%
0%
100%
403
6,3
4%
3%
5%
22%
13%
13%
40%
0%
100%
413
5,3
0%
0%
0%
4%
3%
5%
86%
0%
100%
401
6,7
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• The feeling of belonging to the homeland/culture is not affected by the respondent's
gender in any of the five groups.
• Older Cape Verdeans report a lower attachment to their country of origin than their
younger countrymen.
• Longer established Cape Verdeans feel a lighter attachment to their homeland than their
newly arrived fellow countrymen do.
3.7.4. SOCIALISE WITH PEOPLE FROM YOUR COUNTRY OF ORIGIN/ETHNIC MINORITY
Although the missing values in this question are residual, the Roma show a greater, though also
small, propensity to avoid answering this question. No differences in the distribution of missing
values within groups, along the categories of the control variables, were found.
The Brazilians have a less frequent rate of socialisation with their countrymen than the other
groups. On the other hand, Cape Verdeans and Roma distinguish themselves from the other
groups by a greater proclivity to socialise with their own co-ethnics.
Table 52 - Socialise with people from your country of origin/ethnic minority (P.27a)
per minority group (F.3)
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
4%
18%
29%
48%
0%
100%
404
Often
1%
6%
21%
72%
0%
100%
399
Always
2%
14%
27%
57%
0%
100%
403
Always
2%
16%
31%
51%
0%
100%
413
Always
1%
4%
17%
76%
1%
100%
401
Always
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Men of the four immigrant groups have a higher rate of socialisation with co-ethnics than
women of the same groups do. The Roma do not evidence a gender distinction in this type
of behaviour.
• There is no relation between age and frequency of socialisation with fellow countrymen or
co-ethnics.
• Longer established Guinea-Bissauans socialise less with people from their country of origin
than newly arrived ones do.
3.7.5. SOCIALISE WITH OTHER IMMIGRANTS / PEOPLE FROM OTHER ETHNIC MINORITIES
The missing values in answer to this question are residual and homogenously distributed, so that
no differences were found in the comparisons between groups or, within each group, between
categories of the control variables.
Brazilians and Roma socialise with other immigrants / ethnic minorities clearly less than, for
instance, the Guinea-Bissauans.
Table 53 - Socialise with with other immigrants / people from other ethnic minorities (P.27b)
per minority group (F.3)
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Source: this survey
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
29%
34%
24%
13%
0%
100%
404
Seldom
13%
39%
33%
14%
1%
100%
399
Seldom
13%
32%
39%
16%
0%
100%
403
Often
12%
37%
34%
17%
0%
100%
413
Often
24%
37%
26%
12%
1%
100%
401
Seldom
67
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• In the two African groups the rate of socialisation with people of other ethnic minorities was
found to be significantly higher for men than for women.
• There is no association between age and the frequency with which respondents from the
five minority groups socialise with people from other minorities.
• In all groups but the Ukrainians, of whom very few have been in Portugal for a long extent,
the prolonging of the respondents' permanence in this country leads to increased socialisation
with people from other minorities.
3.7.6. SOCIALISE WITH PORTUGUESE/MEMBERS OF THE ETHNIC MAJORITY
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed, so
that no statistical differences between the groups were found. Within the groups, we found two
statistically significant differences: Roma women and Guinea-Bissauans living in the Alentejo are
more likely to present missing values in answers to this question than Roma men and GuineaBissauans living elsewhere in Portugal.
Guinea-Bissauans socialise with Portuguese far less than other minorities do, while the Roma, on
the other hand, have a very high degree of contacts with the ethnic majority. The latter fact is
probably a consequence of the Roma main mode of economic subsistence being working as
merchants at fairs.
Table 54 - Socialise with Portuguese (P.27c) per minority group (F.3)
68
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
7%
22%
31%
39%
0%
100%
404
Often
17%
32%
30%
20%
1%
100%
399
Often
24%
34%
27%
14%
0%
100%
403
Seldom
7%
31%
31%
31%
0%
100%
413
Often
2%
11%
38%
48%
1%
100%
401
Often
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• Brazilian and Ukrainian women socialise more with the Portuguese than men of the same
nationalities do.
• Older Ukrainians report to get along with Portuguese on a more regular basis than younger
ones do.
• For Brazilians and Cape Verdeans, the prolonging of the respondents' permanence in this
country leads to increased socialisation with Portuguese nationals.
3.7.7. PERCEPTION OF THE EVOLUTION OF XENOPHOBIA
There are some missing values for this question and they are not homogenously distributed.
The Guinea Bissauan group presents a markedly greater percentage of individuals who did not
answer this question. Amongst the other groups the percentage of missing values is residual. The
only statistically significant difference we found within the groups is that Ukrainian women are
less likely than men of the same extraction to give a valid answer to the question.
Although the median response for all groups is that the evolution of racism and xenophobia
in Portugal has remained unchanged, some significant differences between groups were found.
The Guinea-Bissauans say in higher percentages than any other group that is has decreased or
decreased considerably. The Ukrainians also have a more positive outlook, though theirs is
achieved by not answering that xenophobia has 'increased considerably'. Brazilians are the more
critical about the development of this trend in Portuguese society.
Table 55 - Evolution of xenophobia (P.28) per minority group (F.3)
Decr. cons.
Decreased
Unchanged
Increased
Incr. cons.
There is no
Dk/Na
Total
N
Median
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
9%
19%
28%
14%
26%
3%
1%
100%
404
Unch.
6%
22%
31%
19%
19%
2%
2%
100%
399
Unch.
10%
26%
26%
13%
17%
4%
4%
100%
403
Unch.
8%
19%
32%
18%
7%
15%
0%
100%
413
Unch.
6%
28%
23%
23%
20%
0%
0%
100%
401
Unch.
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
69
• The perception of the evolution of xenophobia is independent from gender in all five of the
surveyed groups.
• Older Guinea-Bissauans tend to hold more positive views of the evolution of xenophobia
in Portugal than do their younger countrymen. Having first-hand experienced a longer
stretch of time is something that has probably contributed for this differential appreciation.
• No relation between length of permanence in Portugal and outlook on the evolution of
xenophobia was found in any of the four immigrant groups.
3.7.8. KNOWLEDGE OF THE HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR IMMIGRATION
AND ETHNIC MINORITIES (ACIME)66
The missing values for this question are not only residual but also homogenously distributed, so
that no statistical differences between the groups were found. This is also true for differences
within groups, according to the categories of the control variables.
There are some significant differences between groups: 82 per cent of Roma and 70 per cent
of Brazilians have never heard about this institution, while only 37 per cent of Ukrainians state
to know of ACIME and its functions.
http://www.acime.gov.pt/modules.php?
name=Content&pa=showpage&pid=102,
(30.10.2005)
66
Table 56 - Knowledge of ACIME (P.27) per minority group (F.3)
Yes, I do
Yes, but...
Nev. Heard
Dk/Na
Total
N
Mode
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
17%
13%
70%
0%
100%
404
Nev. Heard
24%
17%
59%
0%
100%
399
Nev. Heard
27%
20%
52%
0%
100%
403
Nev. Heard
37%
16%
47%
0%
100%
413
Nev. Heard
7%
11%
82%
0%
100%
401
Nev. heard
Source: this survey
Some other results apropos of this variable:
• In all groups but the Ukrainians men are more knowledgeable about ACIME than women.
• Older Brazilians tend to know more about this institution than younger members of the
same immigrant group.
• Longer established Brazilians and Guinea-Bissauans tend to know more of ACIME than
recently arrived ones do.
70
71
#4 COMPARISON
WITH PREVIOUS SURVEYS
4. COMPARISON WITH PREVIOUS SURVEYS
4.1. THE METHOD
The present chapter results from an analysis of the seventeen core questions of the questionnaire
in all the samples that have been made available to us. We will be comparing thirty one groups:
the twenty six groups whose results the EUMC has disclosed to Númena (corresponding to
the reports on Belgium, Germany, Greece, Italy, the Netherlands and Sweden) plus the five
groups for which we produced the information ourselves. For all of these group we computed
mean ranks in each of the seventeen questions and then proceeded to rank the groups
themselves in descending order of discrimination on the basis of the values we arrived at.*
An example may help to understand the procedure: forty five percent of the Africans in Sweden
state to have 'never' been denied a job on account of their foreign/ethnic minority background.
First, we assign to this first category the rank of one, to the second category, 'one or two times',
the rank of two and so forth. Then, we multiply the percent of answers falling into each category
by its rank. For the first category we will have forty five per cent times one, for the second
category we will have twenty four percent times two, and so on. Finally, we sum the results
obtained in the previous step for all the categories, thus obtaining this group's mean rank.
Table 57 - Calculation of the mean ranks
Label
Rank
Never
One or two
Three or four
Five or more
Average rank of SE - Africans on V11
1
2
3
4
(∑ of % * Rank) = 2,06
%
% * Rank
45%
24%
12%
20%
0,45
0,48
0,35
0,78
73
Source: Swedish study; authors' calculations.
4.2. THE RESULTS
4.2.1. EMPLOYMENT
4.2.1.1. NOT BEEN OFFERED A JOB
The minority that, in Portugal, suffers more self reported discrimination in its access to the
labour market (V11) are the Guinea-Bissauans, ranking eighth among the thirty one groups
being compared. Portuguese residing Brazilians and Ukrainians also rank above the middle of the
table (occupying the eleventh and thirteenth places, respectively). The Roma and the Cape
Verdeans show up in relatively positive situations, somewhat below the sixteenth rank. The
Chinese residing in Belgium come up at the top of this ranking, followed by immigrants from the
former USSR in Greece and Africans in Sweden. Three of the four groups studied in Greece
show up amongst the top six with higher self reported discrimination scores in this indicator.
The Italians living in Germany are the group least discriminated in its access to the labour
market, occupying the thirty-first, and last, place of this ranking. Indonesians in Germany and
Filipinos in Italy occupy the thirtieth and twenty-ninth places, respectively.
* Authors’ note, 2007: The logic of
average ranks is standard procedure in
the comparison of ordinal variables.
Not having been supplied with absolute
values for all the national reports,
we were unable of actually computing
a Kruskal-wallis H test, for instance. So
we settled for a procedure that, though
merely indicative, has high legibility
inasmuch as the resulting values are
analogous to the original response
options.
Table 58 - Mean ranks of the 31 groups on the 17 core questions (1/2)
74
Groups
V11
V12
V13
V14
V15a
V16
V17
V18
V19
BE - Chinese
IT - Senegalese
DE - black-Africans
IT - Moroccans
EL - Albanians
EL - Romanians
EL - USSR
PT - Roma
SE - Africans
BE - Congolese
NL - Turks
IT - Albanians
IT - Peruvians
BE - Turks
BE - Moroccans
NL - Moroccans
PT - Guinea-Bissauans
PT - Brazilians
EL - Arabians
PT - Cape Verdeans
NL - Surinamese
PT - Ukrainians
SE - Arabs
SE - Asians
IT - Philippino
NL - Ex Yugoslavians
DE - Turks
SE - Yugoslavians
DE - Yugoslavians
NL - Indonesian
DE - Italians
2,8
1,6
1,8
2,0
2,0
1,9
2,2
1,6
2,1
1,7
1,6
1,7
1,5
1,6
1,6
1,4
1,8
1,7
1,4
1,5
1,5
1,6
1,6
1,6
1,2
1,4
1,3
1,5
1,3
1,2
1,2
2,0
1,4
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,1
1,4
1,2
1,4
1,3
1,2
1,2
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,4
1,5
1,2
1,2
1,0
1,2
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,1
2,0
2,1
2,1
1,9
1,9
1,9
2,1
1,7
1,7
1,5
2,0
1,7
1,7
1,5
1,5
1,9
1,8
1,8
1,3
1,6
1,8
1,6
1,3
1,4
1,2
1,6
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,3
1,2
2,0
2,8
1,7
2,7
2,0
2,1
2,5
2,1
1,2
2,1
1,2
2,7
1,8
1,4
1,6
1,3
1,6
1,7
1,7
1,5
1,1
1,5
1,2
1,1
1,4
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,0
1,2
2,1
1,1
1,8
1,3
1,4
1,4
1,5
1,5
1,4
1,5
1,5
1,2
1,3
1,5
1,5
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,5
1,3
1,3
1,1
1,3
1,3
1,0
1,3
1,3
1,1
1,3
1,1
1,2
2,1
1,8
1,6
1,5
1,5
1,3
1,4
1,3
1,3
1,6
1,6
1,4
1,5
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,5
1,3
1,2
1,2
1,4
1,3
1,4
1,2
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,1
1,8
2,6
2,1
1,8
1,6
1,4
1,3
1,4
1,9
1,9
1,6
1,5
1,5
1,4
1,5
1,6
1,7
1,4
1,4
1,7
1,4
1,2
1,6
1,5
1,6
1,2
1,3
1,3
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,3
1,5
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,5
1,1
1,0
1,1
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,2
1,4
1,5
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,0
1,4
1,8
1,3
1,5
1,2
1,1
1,7
1,7
1,6
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,4
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
Source: this set of surveys commissioned by the EUMC; authors' calculations.
4.2.1.2. MISSED PROMOTION
67
On this subject see, for instance,
Professor Valente Rosa's working paper
'(Des)encontro entre as Migrações
Internacionais Internacionais (laborais) e
as Qualificações (escolares): O caso dos
imigrantes de Leste em Portugal', available
at http://www.socinovamigration.org/,
(30.09.2005)
The Chinese residing in Belgium are the group that feels most discriminated in the professional
situations where they believe they ought to be promoted (V12). Romanians, former USSR
nationals and Albanese minorities in Greece show up in the second, third and fourth places,
respectively. These placements are very similar to the ones found regarding discrimination in
recruitment. The Ukrainians are the minority residing in Portugal that feels most discriminated
in what regards the evolution of their careers. They turn up in seventh place. As we pointed out
before, this feeling plausibly results from relative deprivation, given that despite their qualifications
being vastly superior to both those of the ethnic majority of the host country and those of the
other minorities living in it, they are unable to obtain jobs of corresponding status.67 Of all four
immigrant groups in our study, they are the one with a smaller share of members in the highest
occupational echelons, namely scientists and professionals. Cape Verdeans and Roma are at
the bottom of this ranking. In the case of the latter, this probably occurs because of their very
special economic integration. We recall that some 90 per cent of the Portuguese Roma inquired
in this survey are merchants at fairs. The Italians in Germany and Filipinos in Italy are also the
groups which feel less discriminated against in this context, having virtually not felt any limitation
to the development of their careers as based on their foreign background.
4.2.1.3. HARASSMENT AT WORK
The citizens of the former USSR living in Greece, the Senegalese in Italy and the black-Africans
in Germany appear at the top of the rank of most discriminated groups in terms of insults at
work (V13). The Chinese living in Belgium show up in fourth place. Of the minorities covered
by the present study, the Brazilians, Guinea-Bissauans and Roma occupy very similar positions in
the general ranking, namely tenth, twelfth and thirteenth.The Ukrainians and Cape Verdeans, ranked
eighteenth and nineteenth, enjoy a comparatively sheltered position. The less discriminated
groups are, once again, the Italians in Germany and the Filipinos in Italy.
4.2.2. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS
4.2.2.1. HARASSMENT BY NEIGHBOURS
The Chinese residing in Belgium come up at the top of the ranking of insults or other forms
of harassment by neighbours (V16), immediately followed by the Senegalese in Italy, the
black-Africans in Germany and the Turks in the Netherlands. All of the minorities surveyed in
the present study show up in the lower half of the ranking. The Brazilians and the Roma come
up in seventeenth and eighteenth place, respectively. The Cape Verdeans are the twenty-second
group and the Guinea-Bissauans the twenty-sixth. Ukrainians come penultimate, followed only
by Italians living in Germany.
Table 59 - Mean ranks of the 31 groups on the 17 core questions (2/2)
Groups
V20
V21
V23
V24
V25
V26
V27
V28
Av.
BE - Chinese
IT - Senegalese
DE - black-Africans
IT - Moroccans
EL - Albanians
EL - Romanians
EL - USSR
PT - Roma
SE - Africans
BE - Congolese
NL - Turks
IT - Albanians
IT - Peruvians
BE - Turks
BE - Moroccans
NL - Moroccans
PT - Guinea-Bissauans
PT - Brazilians
EL - Arabians
PT - Cape Verdeans
NL - Surinamese
PT - Ukrainians
SE - Arabs
SE - Asians
IT - Philippino
NL - Ex Yugoslavians
DE - Turks
SE - Yugoslavians
DE - Yugoslavians
NL - Indonesian
DE - Italians
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,0
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,1
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,4
1,5
1,2
1,3
1,7
1,9
1,5
1,5
1,2
1,3
1,2
1,5
1,5
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,6
1,7
1,4
1,4
1,1
1,7
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,0
1,0
1,0
1,8
1,5
1,6
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,0
1,4
1,5
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,4
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,2
1,4
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,3
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,0
1,6
1,4
1,5
1,4
1,5
1,4
1,3
1,3
1,4
1,1
1,4
1,2
1,2
1,4
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,0
1,2
1,4
1,5
1,6
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,5
1,2
1,2
1,3
1,2
1,3
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,8
2,0
1,6
1,7
1,7
1,7
1,5
2,0
1,3
1,5
1,4
1,4
1,5
1,6
1,5
1,4
1,3
1,2
1,6
1,3
1,4
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,3
1,4
1,2
1,3
1,4
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,3
1,3
1,6
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,5
1,3
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,0
1,4
1,1
1,4
1,5
1,3
1,2
1,1
1,3
1,5
1,4
1,2
1,3
1,4
1,3
1,1
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,1
1,3
1,3
1,1
1,0
1,2
1,2
1,3
1,1
1,1
1,7
1,6
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,5
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,4
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,3
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,2
1,1
1,1
1,1
Source: this set of surveys commissioned by the EUMC; authors' calculations.
75
4.2.2.2. THREATS, INSULTS OR OTHER FORMS OF HARASSMENT ON THE STREETS
As far as insults or other forms of harassment in the streets or transports (V17) are concerned,
near all the groups that stand out as more discriminated against are of African origin. They are: the
Senegalese in Italy, the black-Africans in Germany, the Africans in Sweden, the Congolese in Belgium
and the Moroccans in Italy. The sixth place is occupied by the Chinese immigrated in Belgium, who
come just before the Guinea-Bissauans and the Cape Verdeans surveyed in Portugal. According to
a published survey on the Portuguese population's attitudes and values towards immigration, the
Africans are the group that musters greater rejection from the ethnic majority68 and our findings
seem to confirm this. The other groups residing in Portugal show up in comparably comfortable
positions: Brazilians occupy the twentieth place in the ranking, The Roma appear in twenty-third
and the Ukrainians bring up the rear in twenty-seventh place. Italians in Germany and Yugoslavians
in Germany are the two groups that feel less discriminated in public spaces.
4.2.2.3. SUBJECTED TO VIOLENCE
The number of individuals who reported having been object of violence, robbery or any other
crime on the account of their foreign background (V18) is small in all surveyed groups. Still, some
differences exist. Senegalese, Filipino and Moroccans residing in Italy are the groups which report
higher numbers of such occurrences. Chinese and Congolese immigrants in Belgium follow,
closing the top five places of the ranking. The groups surveyed in Portugal occupy positions
located in the bottom half of the ranking: Guinea-Bissauans and Cape Verdeans show up in the
sixteenth and seventeenth places, respectively; Ukrainians and Roma appear next to each other
in the twenty-first and twenty-second places, while Brazilians, occupying the twenty-fifth place,
are the minority residing in Portugal that appears lowest on this ranking. All three groups
presenting the lowest scores reside in Germany.They are the Turks, the Italians and the Yugoslavs.
4.2.2.4. BADLY TREATED AT SCHOOL
76
The minorities surveyed in Belgium stand out amongst the more discriminated at school (V15),
the Chinese rank first, the Turks third, the Moroccans show up in fourth place and the Congolese
in fifth. The second position in the ranking is occupied by the black-Africans in Germany. The
Roma, ranking sixth, come foremost among the Portuguese minorities. They are followed at
some distance by the Guinea-Bissauans, ranking eleventh, the Brazilians, who are thirteenth, the
Cape Verdeans, who show up already below the middle of the table at seventeenth, and finally,
the Ukrainians, in a quite comfortable twenty-eight place. The Yugoslavians in Sweden and the
Filipinos in Italy are the groups who feel less discriminated in the context of the school.
4.2.3. SHOPS AND RESTAURANTS
4.2.3.1. REFUSED ENTRY INTO A SHOP
Being refused entry into a shop (V20) is something that hardly ever happens in any of the thirty
one surveyed minorities. Still, there are differences: the Congolese and Chinese established in
Belgium occupy the first two positions, Germany living black-Africans come third, Senegalese in
Italy and Portuguese Roma come next. The other groups surveyed in Portugal are ranked in the
following order: Ukrainians in seventeenth place, Cape Verdeans in nineteenth place, GuineaBissauans are the twenty second group with higher number of complaints, and, finally the
Brazilians in show up in twenty-sixth. In this variable, as in the one related to experiences of
discrimination in access to shops, the Filipino in Italy and ex-USSR immigrants in Greece are the
minorities which feel least discriminated against.
4.2.3.2. REFUSED ENTRY TO A RESTAURANT
68 Lages, Mário F. et al. (2003) Atitudes
e Valores perante a Imigração, Lisboa:
Observatório da Imigração.
The groups that feel more discriminated against, in what concerns access to restaurants, pubs,
nightclubs or similar establishments (V19), are the Africans residing in Sweden, followed by
Moroccans and Turks living either in Belgium (second and third places, respectively) or in the
Netherlands (fourth and fifth in the rank). black-Africans in Germany and the Roma in Portugal
follow. The other minorities inquired in the Portuguese survey are scattered in the ranking:
Ukrainians occupy the thirteenth place, Cape Verdeans come in sixteenth, the Guinea Bissauans
in twentieth and, finally, the Brazilians in twenty-sixth. Filipinos in Italy and ex-USSR citizens living
in Greece close the ranking, that is to say, they are the groups who report less occurrences of
this type of discrimination.
4.2.3.3. BAD TREATMENT WHEN VISITING A RESTAURANT OR BUYING SOMETHING
The Chinese residing in Belgium, black-Africans in Germany, Senegalese in Italy and Africans
in Sweden are those of the studied minorities which feel more intensely to be targeted for
discrimination in commercial spaces (V23). As for the minorities that were inquired in Portugal,
the Roma are the one that reports more of this kind of discrimination, occupying the seventh
position in the overall ranking. Brazilians, Guinea Bissauans and Cape Verdeans occupy very
positions ranging from thirteenth to fifteenth, respectively. The Ukrainians, ranking twenty-third,
are the minority least discriminated against in our survey. The overall minority groups with a
smaller number of complaints are the Arabs and immigrants from the ex-USSR residing in
Greece and the Italians living in Germany.
4.2.4. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS
4.2.4.1. DENIED THE OPPORTUNITY TO BUY OR RENT AN APARTMENT OR HOUSE
In what pertains access to the housing market (V14), three minorities residing in Italy occupy
the topmost places of the ranking. They are, in descending order, the Senegalese, the Moroccan
and the Albanians. The Portuguese minorities suffer greater discrimination in the access to
housing than in the labour market. The Roma, ranking seventh, are the more victimised, followed
by the Brazilians, in twelfth place, the Guinea-Bissauans, who are fourteenth, the Cape Verdeans,
showing up in sixteenth, and the Ukrainians in seventeenth. Filipinos living in Italy, who enjoy
a relatively positive situation in the labour market, now show up in eighteenth. The less
discriminated groups in terms of access to the housing market are the Yugoslavs in Sweden and
the Indonesians in the Netherlands.
4.2.4.2. DENIED THE POSSIBILITY TO HIRE SOMETHING OR BUY SOMETHING ON CREDIT
It appears that minority groups residing in Southern Europe are subjected to a higher amount
of discrimination in the access to credit (V21). Romanians in Greece, Ukrainians and Brazilians
in Portugal, Albanians in Greece and Guinea Bissauans in Portugal occupy the first five positions
of the ranking. Portuguese Roma appear in sixth place and immediately after them come three
minority groups residing in Italy: the Senegalese, Albanians and Peruvians. The next few ranks are
once again occupied by minorities living in Greece, namely immigrants issuing from the ex-USSR
and Arabs, and the Portugal dwelling Cape Verdeans. Yugoslavs in Germany, Indonesians in the
Netherlands and Italians in Germany are the minorities least discriminated against in this aspect.
4.2.5. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION
4.2.5.1. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE EMPLOYMENT AGENCY
The Chinese in Belgium, Albanians in Greece, black-Africans in Germany and Moroccans and
Senegalese in Italy are the five minority groups which that reported more occurrences of bad
treatment in contacts with the employment agency. As for the Portuguese minorities, the Roma,
occupying an overall twelfth position, are the group that most suffers this kind of discrimination,
followed by the Brazilians in eighteenth place and the Ukrainians in twenty-fifth place. Guinea-
77
Bissauans and Cape Verdeans are placed at the bottom of the ranking, being, in this regard, the
twenty-eight and thirtieth most suffering groups. Indonesians residing in Netherlands are the
group with the lowest number of complaints of registered complaints.
4.2.5.2. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL INSURANCE OFFICE
Three out of the four minorities that constitute the Greek survey are in the first four places of
the ranking in what concerns badly treatment in contacts with the social insurance office (V25):
ex-USSR immigrants, Romanians and Albanians Turks and Moroccans living in the Netherlands
come up in the second and fifth places. Portuguese Roma appear in sixth place. The remaining
Portuguese minorities are to be found in middle positions: Guinea-Bissauans rank sixteenth,
Brazilians and Cape Verdeans occupy the eighteenth and nineteenth places, while Ukrainians
rank twenty-second. Minorities residing in Germany show the lowest number of complaints of
mistreatment by social insurance offices: Italians, Turks,Yugoslavs and black-Africans appear at the
bottom of the ranking.
4.2.5.3. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE HEALTHCARE SERVICES
The five groups that most reported discrimination by the healthcare services (V27) all issue
from Muslim countries. They are: the Turks in the Netherlands, Moroccans residing in Belgium,
Senegalese living in Italy and Albanian immigrants in Greece and Italy. We speculate that this
situation may be related to a feeling that healthcare services are not respecting or taking into
account some religious prescriptions. The Roma are the minority group of the Portuguese
survey with more complaints about their handling by the healthcare services, occupying
the fourteenth position in the overall ranking.69 Brazilians appear in seventeenth place and
Ukrainians in twentieth, with the Cape Verdeans and Guinea Bissauans very close (twentysecond and twenty-third places, respectively). The groups which present the fewest complaints
in the European context are the Yugoslavs and Italians residing in Germany.
78
4.2.5.4. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE SOCIAL SERVICES
The minorities that feel more discriminated by the social services on account of their
foreign/ethnic minority background (V28) are the Moroccans in Italy and the Africans in Sweden.
The Roma are, once again, the minority group in the Portuguese survey that mentions more
occurrences of discrimination, occupying the tenth position in the global ranking. Cape Verdeans
appear in twentieth place and Guinea Bissauans in twenty-second. Ukrainians and Brazilians,
twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, follow closely. Ex-Yugoslavians and Indonesians in the
Netherlands are the groups in the lowest positions of the ranking.
4.2.5.5. BADLY TREATED IN CONTACTS WITH THE POLICE
69
In Portugal, for instance "some
hospitals have a manifest interest in
hiring cultural mediators but do not do
so due to insufficient funds. Roma
culture is marked by solid family ties,
with a particular emphasis on children
and the elderly and in cases of hospital
internment of a family member it would
be extremely useful to resort to cultural
mediators, since they would facilitate
the relation between the medical and
auxiliary staff and the Roma community"
Portuguese National Focal Point (2002)
“The cultural mediator, a case study",
Raxen.
The ranking of minority groups with more complaints about bad treatment by the police (V26)
is headed by the Senegalese in Italy, followed by the Roma in Portugal and the Chinese in
Belgium. The other minority groups whose experiences in Portugal were studied occupy places
in the second half of the ranking: Cape Verdeans and Guinea Bissauans occpuy the eighteenth
and nineteenth places, respectively, while Brazilians come up as twenty-first and Ukrainians as
twenty-second. The minority groups least discriminated against on this variable are the Italians
and Yugoslavians residing in Germany, who occupy the two last places of this ranking.
4.2.6. CONCLUDING OBSERVATIONS
The global average of the mean ranks of all seventeen questions allows an overview of the
perceived discrimination amongst the thirty one survived minorities. These results should,
however, be interpreted bearing in mind the diverse criteria for sample selection and methodology
used in each national survey and the fact that we are using a simple arithmetic average. The
latter characteristic of this analysis means that dimensions of discrimination for which more
indicators are included in the seventeen core questions will be overrepresented in this index.
Anyhow, the elaboration of this global ranking permits some insights on the relative positions of
the different groups in what concerns the level of felt discrimination.
The minority groups that report stronger overall discrimination experiences are the Chinese in
Belgium, Senegalese in Italy, black-Africans in Germany, Moroccans in Italy and three of the four
minorities that constitute the Greek survey: Albanians, Romanians and ex-USSR citizens.
Portuguese Roma appear in the seventh position. Curiously, they are the only national minority
group in our survey. We should, consequently, note that discrimination does not affect exclusively
or mostly the immigrant. The other minority groups included in the Portuguese survey reveal
lower discrimination levels and show up in the middle-lower half of the table. Guinea Bissauans
and Brazilians may be found in the rank seventeenth and eighteenth, respectively. Cape Verdeans
occupy the twentieth place and Ukrainians the twenty-second. These results seem to contradict
the dominant ideological representation of Portugal as a particularly tolerant country, characterized
by its brandos costumes (gentle traditions).
79
#5 SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS
5. SUMMARY OF THE FINDINGS
This report focuses on the results of the questionnaire survey "Migrants' experiences of racism
and discrimination in Portugal", exploring both the demographic characteristics of the respondents
and their experiences of subjective discrimination according to five domains: employment;
private life and public arenas; shops and restaurants; commercial transactions and institutional
discrimination. Figures are also presented for the sense of belonging to both the homeland
or culture and the host country or culture, the frequency of sociability with co-ethnics, people
of other ethnic minorities and members of the majority and the perception on the evolution of
xenophobia in Portugal, all integrating a sixth domain dubbed subjective integration.
5.1. RESULTS
5.1.1. DEMOGRAPHICS
The reader should keep in mind that the relationships between those of the demographic
variables which were used as quotas are set by the data used to calculate the intended samples.
• the results illustrate the known fact that immigration is a gender selective process, attracting,
at least in its early stages, more men, which in the surveyed groups is clearly the case of the
Ukrainians;
• the age structure reveals a different pattern between groups which can be interpreted as
partially resulting from the historical sequence of the waves of immigrants in Portugal:
Brazilians are clearly the younger group, while Cape Verdeans are the more aged population;
• length of stay follows even more closely the history of the successive waves of migration
into Portugal: the African groups are composed by persons who, in their majority, have been
in Portugal for more than five years, while most of the Brazilians and Ukrainians have less
than five years of stay in Portuguese territory;
• the regional distribution also follows closely what is known of the history of immigration
into Portugal and is reflected in the census data: the African groups are highly concentrated
in the Lisboa area, while the Ukrainians are dispersed across the country;
• as for as overall education, the levels attained differ sharply across groups, which can be
placed in a continuum that ranges from the Roma – three tenths of which have no formal
education at all and none has a college degree – to the Ukrainians, of which almost half has
a college degree.
• the religious faith figures show that Cape Verdeans, Guinea-Bissauans and Brazilians are
mostly Catholics, 70 per cent of Ukrainians are Christian Orthodox and the 60 per cent of
Roma are evangelic.
5.1.2. THE FIVE DOMAINS OF DISCRIMINATION
Bearing in mind these particular demographic characteristics, let's look at the report's main
findings in each of the given domains: employment; private life and public arenas; shops and
restaurants; commercial transactions and institutional discrimination.
5.1.2.1. EMPLOYMENT
• First of all we must point out that the information made available clearly indicates that these
groups' economic insertion is in low status occupations.
81
• The activity rates of the groups range from the Ukrainians, of whom 85 per cent declared
to have a job/employment, to the Guinea-Bissauans, of whom 69 per cent stated to have a
job/employment.
• The number of individuals that has applied for a job in the last five years also differs
significantly among groups. As would be expected given their recent arrival, almost all
Ukrainians (97 per cent) looked for a job in the last five years, while in the longer established
Cape Verdeans the corresponding figure is 80 per cent.
• More than 85 per cent of the people in any of the four immigrant groups have worked in
the last five years.
• Guinea-Bissauans are clearly the group in our survey with a stronger perception of being
refused jobs on account of foreign or ethnic minority background.
• Ukrainians report more on what they perceive as the refusal of promotion on a given
professional situation on account of foreign or ethnic minority background than any other
group in our survey.
• Brazilians are the group that most declares to have been insulted or harassed at work.
• A word must be said in this summary about the Roma and discrimination in the employment
sphere: they are somewhat sheltered from situations arising in the context of hired labour
by their own mode of economic integration, which consists in specialising in merchant
activities at fairs.
82
5.1.2.2. PRIVATE LIFE AND PUBLIC ARENAS
• Ukrainians living in Portugal have very little trouble with their neighbours on account of
foreign or ethnic minority belonging.
• The African groups are the ones who had more occurrences of threats, insults or other
forms of harassment on the streets to report. The other minority groups surveyed in the
Portuguese study report a clearly smaller number of occurrences, which leads us to believe
that being an African is what is at stake in this kind of situation.
• There are no differences between the groups in our survey in what regards actual violence
on account of foreign or ethnic background belonging.
• The African groups include a higher proportion of persons who have studied in the last five years.
• The groups surveyed don't differ in respect of mistreatment at school.
5.1.2.3. RESTAURANTS AND SHOPS
• The Roma are clearly the group in the Portuguese survey that is most denied entry into shops.
• Guinea-Bissauans go out less than the other minority groups.
• Roma are much more likely than the other groups to be denied entry in a restaurant or
night club.
• Inside the commercial spaces themselves the Roma still are the most discriminated minority,
being more likely to be badly treated when buying something.
5.1.2.4. COMMERCIAL TRANSACTIONS
• With 60 per cent of people declaring to have had some difficulty in buying or renting a
house or apartment on account of their ethnic minority background, the Roma are clearly
the minority surveyed in Portugal that is most discriminated against in this aspect.
• As for denial of the possibility to hire something or buy something on credit, Brazilians
and Ukrainians are the groups most subjectively discriminated. More than half of the people
of these groups who have tried to use credit has been denied once on account of foreign
or ethnic minority background.
5.1.2.5. INSTITUTIONAL DISCRIMINATION
• Groups do not differ significantly in their experiences of discrimination in contacts with the
employment agency. However, the Roma have the highest percentage of individuals who
have at least once felt discriminated (16 per cent).
• Roma are more likely to have experienced some kind of foreign or ethnic minority background related trouble in contacts with social insurance office than the other groups in
the Portuguese survey.
• As far as the discrimination in contacts with the healthcare services is concerned, no
statistically significant differences between groups where found.
• Inquired about the treatment perceived when in contact with the social services, the
Roma group evidences itself as subjectively more discriminated.
• On average,70 the Roma who had any contact with the police in the last year perceive to
have been badly treated on account of their ethnic minority background one or two times.
83
• Finally, regarding the respondents' contact with the Borders and Foreigners Service, the
groups range from twenty to thirty percent of respondents declaring to have had some
experience of discrimination in this context during the last year.
5.1.3. SUBJECTIVE INTEGRATION
• Of the five groups surveyed, the Roma is unmistakably the one that finds it easier to make
friends in the ethnic majority. Guinea-Bissauans, on the contrary, find it quite difficult.
• As for identification with Portugal, the Roma have a much higher score, which shouldn't
surprise us, given that they are themselves Portuguese. The Ukrainians, in turn, are the group
which feels less attachment to Portugal.
• Where identification with the homeland or culture is concerned, the Roma are again the
group with a strongest feeling of belonging. The Ukrainians, in contrast, feel quite emotionally
detached from their homeland.
• The Ukrainians also have a more positive outlook on the evolution of xenophobia, though
it is achieved by not answering that xenophobia has 'increased considerably'.
• As to socialising with people of the same migrant or ethnic group, the Roma and the Cape
Verdeans are the groups on which people do so more frequently. Brazilians do so markedly less.
The best measure of central tendency
that can be used for these data is the
median.
70
• The Guinea-Bissauans are the group on which people more frequently socialise with people
of other ethnic minorities.
• The Roma also have the highest rate of social contact with the ethnic majority. Twenty four
per cent of the Guinea-Bissauans, in contrast, never socialise with Portuguese.
What can we conclude, then? First of all, that the five minorities in this survey differ greatly in
the range of indicators studied. Ukrainians, for instance, have experienced less trouble with their
neighbours than the other minority groups did but, on the other hand, expressed more
complaints of being disregarded for promotion due to their foreign or ethnic background than
members of the other minorities did.
Actually, this latter fact is very interesting finding in its own right. We interpreted it as a result
of relative deprivation felt by a overqualified workforce, but in the point of view of the host
society it can also be seen as a waste of human capital by the European country which has
the highest71 skilled emigration rate.
Forty eight percent of respondents in either of the two African groups considered in this survey
– Cape Verdeans and Guinea-Bissauans – have been subjected to threats, insults or other
forms of harassment in public spaces during the last year. This corroborates results from other
surveys that point to this most public manifestation of discrimination as affecting mostly people
with a black-African phenotype.
Three of the five more discriminated groups in the international comparison regarding access
to credit were observed in the Portuguese survey. This firmly establishes the relation to credit
institutions as the most problematic domain of discrimination in Portuguese society. In our
view, the public bodies and NGOs that are active in the fight against discrimination would be
well advised to prioritise this area.
Finally, the Roma come out as the most subjectively discriminated against minority.72 This
is particularly evident in the domains dubbed 'shops and restaurants' and 'institutional
discrimination'. The Roma are more discriminated on all three questions composing the former
domain and in three of the five questions of the latter domain that apply to them. As a result
of the above, the main conclusion of this survey has to be that, though Portugal may not
have a wide range subjective discrimination problem, it undoubtedly has a Roma subjective
discrimination problem, eligible to be addressed and prioritized.
84
71
Nineteen point five per cent, according
to Özden, Çaglar and Schiff, Maurice
(eds) (2006) International Migration,
Remittances & the Brain Drain,
Washington: World Bank. p. 177
Paradoxically, the Roma are also the
most subjectively integrated minority,
a fact that casts serious doubt on
simplistic views of the relation between
these two phenomena. See Coser, L.
(1956) The Functions of Social Conflict,
New York: Free Press.
72
85
#6 RECOMMENDATIONS
6. RECOMMENDATIONS
Three orders of recommendations proceed from this report: those which emerge from the
difficulties felt on finding background data for the survey; those related to the data collecting
process itself; and, finally, those that result from the very findings themselves.
In what concerns background data, when beginning this project we quickly came to the conclusion
that in Portugal there are no reliable statistics regarding the Roma minority. This seems to be a
problem affecting many countries, inasmuch as it is a hindrance on developing inclusion policies.73
We therefore recommend the Portuguese government to ponder the advantages and
disadvantages of furthering the capacity of national statistics to differentiate this minority.
As for the data collection process itself, it must be said that questionnaire surveys on
discrimination only give us access to what people say their representations or experiences are.
If what we aim at is positive knowledge, there are a number of instances where things can go
awry in this process. For instance, we are utterly dependent both on the understanding the
person makes of his or her own reality and on the truthfulness of the communication we receive
from him or her, which may be unintentionally adulterated. Given that discrimination is a crime,
it is certainly something that is out there, in the shared world, available to objective measure.
Field experiments on the subject of discrimination have now been going on for five decades in
many countries with tried, tested and evolving methodologies. We thus recommend the EUMC
to organize a transnational collaborative research using measures of objective discrimination in
all countries of the EU.
Some recommendations directly resulting from the findings ensue. Given that the Roma turn
out to be not only the least formally educated but also the most subjectively discriminated
minority featured in this survey, specially in their interactions with institutions and commercial
establishments, the Portuguese government might:
87
• establish a specific programme to promote the educational success of the Roma minority
while respecting their culture;
• promote awareness campaigns, targeted both at common citizens and institutions and
commercial establishments;
• encourage people who feel discriminated in such contexts to formalize their grievances
through the already available complaints books.
The research here presented clearly documents the high level of formal qualifications held by
the Ukrainian immigrants and their feeling of discrimination in the labour market, namely in what
regards being disregarded for promotion. Combining this information with other research, which
we have quoted above, detailing the lack of skilled professionals that is felt in Portugal, we cannot
but recommend greater expediency in recognising academic degrees achieved through foreign
universities.
Finally, having established through this research that access to credit is the foremost issue of
discrimination in Portugal, we believe that institutions engaged in fighting discrimination, such as
public bodies, NGOs or migrant associations might find it pertinent to invite credit institutions
to discuss good practices (microcredit,74 etc.) on this subject.
73
http://www.errc.org/cikk.php?cikk=1935,
(31.10.2005)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Microcredit,
(31.10.2005)
74
ANNEXES
ANNEXES
TABLES
CENSUS DATA
Table 60 - Distribution of Brazilians by the stratification variables
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
52
26
291
148
337
242
622
444
3412
2348
38
21
480
582
[30, 39]
PT
11
10
32
21
37
41
246
204
361
330
16
10
501
432
OUT
33
13
190
84
215
157
325
282
1907
1408
20
22
263
348
[40, 60]
PT
11
12
39
43
89
91
376
343
805
684
21
31
711
644
OUT
17
6
75
44
98
83
176
177
945
712
16
6
152
212
PT
15
10
33
44
63
66
248
314
521
640
19
19
409
499
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute.
Table 61 - Distribution of Cape Verdeans by the stratification variables
89
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
40
6
71
52
104
62
132
128
1236
1473
6
2
67
115
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute.
PT
8
6
40
44
113
90
54
51
1567
1791
1
0
41
46
[30, 39]
OUT
19
0
28
13
51
49
32
23
935
958
4
1
13
31
PT
14
7
87
45
232
142
66
56
2852
2501
10
0
56
51
[40, 60]
OUT
8
2
13
7
33
13
7
8
338
496
1
0
4
15
PT
45
17
163
72
382
189
125
63
4070
3214
18
2
101
45
Table 62 - Distribution of Guinea-Bissauans by the stratification variables
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
2
1
19
9
113
23
59
47
977
711
5
0
44
36
[30, 39]
PT
1
0
5
4
52
20
43
38
985
784
6
0
40
39
OUT
1
0
35
1
81
11
32
13
647
385
6
1
21
8
[40, 60]
PT
4
1
30
2
156
28
125
43
2349
940
27
0
111
44
OUT
1
0
16
0
32
5
15
7
273
248
3
0
13
5
PT
0
0
16
7
93
14
53
26
1506
519
9
0
74
14
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute.
Table 63 - Distribution of Ukrainians by the stratification variables
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
90
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
13
3
262
60
660
191
816
198
838
281
33
8
400
46
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute.
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
3
1
31
5
19
4
34
15
0
1
9
1
OUT
27
2
344
82
689
153
767
156
808
203
20
6
359
51
[40, 60]
PT
3
3
11
4
22
6
16
1
43
12
3
1
9
1
OUT
22
0
300
38
481
97
633
117
556
127
21
2
356
28
PT
3
3
0
1
15
7
22
4
35
8
0
1
12
1
INTENDED SAMPLES
Table 64 - Intended sample of Brazilians
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
4
2
5
4
10
7
52
36
1
0
7
9
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
1
0
1
1
4
3
6
5
0
0
8
7
OUT
1
0
3
1
3
2
5
4
29
22
0
0
4
5
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
1
1
1
1
6
5
12
11
0
1
11
10
OUT
0
0
1
1
2
1
3
3
15
11
0
0
2
3
PT
0
0
1
1
4
2
1
1
45
40
0
0
1
1
OUT
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
5
8
0
0
0
0
PT
0
0
1
1
1
1
4
5
8
10
0
0
6
8
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 65 - Intended sample of Cape Verdeans
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
1
1
2
1
2
2
20
24
0
0
1
2
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
1
1
2
1
1
1
25
29
0
0
1
1
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
OUT
0
0
0
0
1
1
1
0
15
15
0
0
0
0
[40, 60]
PT
1
0
3
1
6
3
2
1
65
51
0
0
2
1
91
Table 66 - Intended sample of Guinea-Bissauans
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
0
0
1
0
4
1
2
2
32
24
0
0
2
1
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
0
0
2
1
1
1
33
26
0
0
1
1
OUT
0
0
1
0
3
0
1
0
21
13
0
0
1
0
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
1
0
5
1
4
1
78
31
1
0
4
2
OUT
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
9
8
0
0
0
0
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
2
1
0
0
0
0
OUT
1
0
11
1
18
4
24
4
21
5
1
0
13
1
PT
0
0
1
0
3
1
2
1
50
17
0
0
2
1
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 67 - Intended sample of Ukrainians
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
92
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
10
2
25
7
31
8
32
11
1
0
15
2
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
OUT
1
0
13
3
26
6
29
6
30
8
1
0
14
2
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
1
0
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 68 - Intended sample of Roma
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
[15, 25]
[26, 45]
[46, +∞[
0
0
13
11
6
6
14
12
33
30
0
0
20
18
0
0
12
13
6
7
13
14
32
34
0
0
20
21
0
0
5
4
3
2
6
5
14
11
0
0
8
7
Sources: Pastoral dos Ciganos and Ministry of Education; authors' calculations.
INTERVIEWS AND REFUSALS
Table 69 - Total of Interviews and Refusals by Place (1/2)
Place
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Consulates at Lisboa and Porto
Cultural Associations
Churches
Borders and Foreigners Service
Local Immigrant Support Centre
National Immigrant Support Centre
Shops and commercial áreas
Socialising áreas
Neighbourhoods
Restaurants and Cafés
Personal Contacts
Work place
Other
Total
Embassy
Local Immigrant Support Centre
National Immigrant Support Centre
Borders and Foreigners Service
Churches
Cultural Associations
Shops and commercial áreas
Socialising áreas
Ethnic Festival
Public Transports
Neighbourhoods
Personal Contacts
Work place
Other
Total
Interviews
Refusals
169
52
2
9
15
19
20
45
11
21
22
12
3
400
172
17
4
35
10
38
62
4
14
17
3
18
2
4
400
27
24
1
23
6
4
8
10
13
16
3
5
0
140
148
10
1
25
4
6
21
1
4
7
23
2
3
5
260
93
Table 69 - Total of Interviews and Refusals by Place (2/2)
Place
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
94
Roma
Embassy
Local Immigrant Support Centre
National Immigrant Support Centre
Borders and Foreigners Service
Mosque
Cultural Associations
Shops and commercial áreas
Socialising áreas
Ethnic Festival
Public Transports
Neighbourhoods
Personal Contacts
Work place
Other
Total
Embassy
Local Immigrant Support Centre
National Immigrant Support Centre
Borders and Foreigners Service
Churches
Cultural Associations
Shops and commercial áreas
Socialising áreas
Restaurants and Cafés
Work place
Portuguese classes
Personal Contacts
Neighbourhoods
Other
Total
Markets and Fairs
Churches
Neighbourhoods
Other
Total
Source: fieldwork coordinator's log.
Interviews
Refusals
181
18
3
35
33
65
23
6
1
17
2
14
3
4
405
134
13
19
23
20
38
37
16
4
33
10
36
11
13
400
229
61
97
13
400
92
19
1
25
48
7
21
4
4
6
1
1
4
2
235
84
6
7
25
16
4
28
12
0
21
0
2
3
2
260
74
19
21
0
114
RESULTING SAMPLES
Table 70 - Resulting sample of Brazilians
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
4
2
5
5
13
8
52
36
1
0
7
9
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
1
0
1
1
4
3
6
5
0
0
8
7
OUT
1
0
3
1
3
2
5
4
29
22
0
0
4
5
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
1
1
1
1
5
5
12
11
0
1
11
10
OUT
0
0
1
1
2
1
3
3
15
11
0
0
2
3
PT
0
0
1
1
4
2
1
1
45
40
0
0
1
1
OUT
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
5
8
0
0
0
0
PT
0
0
1
0
5
1
4
0
78
31
1
0
4
2
OUT
0
0
1
0
1
0
1
0
10
8
0
0
0
0
PT
0
0
1
1
1
1
4
4
8
11
0
0
6
8
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 71 - Resulting sample of Cape Verdeans
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
1
1
2
1
2
2
20
24
0
0
1
2
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
1
1
2
1
1
1
25
29
0
0
1
1
OUT
0
0
0
0
1
1
0
0
15
15
0
0
0
0
[40, 60]
PT
1
0
3
1
6
3
2
1
65
51
0
0
2
1
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 72 - Resulting sample of Guinea-Bissauans
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
0
0
1
0
4
1
2
2
32
24
0
0
2
1
[30, 39]
PT
0
1
0
0
2
1
1
1
33
26
0
0
1
1
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
OUT
0
0
1
0
3
0
1
0
21
13
0
0
1
0
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
1
0
3
1
2
1
50
18
0
0
2
1
95
Table 73 - Resulting sample of Ukrainians
[18, 29]
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
OUT
1
0
10
2
25
7
31
9
32
11
1
0
15
2
[30, 39]
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
0
1
1
0
0
0
0
OUT
1
0
14
4
26
6
29
6
30
8
1
0
14
2
[40, 60]
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
2
0
2
1
0
0
1
0
OUT
1
0
11
1
20
4
24
4
21
6
1
0
13
1
PT
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
3
0
0
0
1
0
Source: Portugal / National Statistical Institute; authors' calculations.
Table 74 - Resulting sample of Roma
Açores
Alentejo
96
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
Men
Women
[15, 25]
[26, 45]
[46, +∞[
0
0
13
11
6
6
14
13
33
30
0
0
20
18
0
0
12
13
6
7
13
14
32
34
0
0
20
21
0
0
5
4
3
2
6
5
14
11
0
0
8
7
Source: Pastoral dos Ciganos and Ministry of Education; authors' calculations.
ABSOLUTE VALUES
Note: The questionnaire for the Roma was slightly modified to fit in with this group's profile.
Questions F.3, F.5, P.2a and P.2b were altogether abolished and several other required adaptation
(e.g., changing 'foreign background' to 'Roma background').
Table 75 - Gender (F.1)
Female
Male
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
183
221
404
189
210
399
134
269
403
76
337
413
196
205
401
Table 76 - Region (F.2)
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
2
17
24
61
218
2
80
404
2
10
24
11
342
0
10
399
1
5
22
15
344
1
15
403
3
42
91
109
116
3
49
413
0
58
30
65
154
0
94
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
179
138
87
404
120
129
150
399
136
167
100
403
151
148
114
413
164
172
65
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
264
140
404
103
296
399
130
273
403
394
19
413
Açores
Alentejo
Algarve
Centro
Lisboa
Madeira
Norte
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 77 - Age (F.4)
[18, 29]
[30-39]
[40-60]
[15, 25]
[26, 45]
46 and +
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 78 - Length of stay (F.5)
< 5 years
>= 5 years
Total
-
Source: this survey.
Table 79 - Highest completed education (P.1)
0 years
4 years
6 years
9 years
12 years
15 years
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
9
25
37
76
194
63
0
404
63
105
71
63
91
2
4
399
47
62
68
139
73
10
4
403
0
3
6
40
197
166
1
413
117
168
100
12
4
0
0
401
Roma
Source: this survey.
Table 80 - Further education in PT (P.2a)
Yes
No
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
42
362
404
97
302
399
120
283
403
14
399
413
-
97
Table 81 - Details of further education (P.2b)
Brazilians
4 years
6 years
9 years
12 years
15 years
Dk/Na
Total
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
8
13
17
20
34
5
97
8
3
19
53
37
0
120
0
0
3
4
7
0
14
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
309
95
404
276
123
399
239
164
403
353
60
413
269
132
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
15
14
9
15
121
6
55
15
57
2
309
4
13
9
14
55
0
87
9
83
2
276
8
11
7
8
41
0
97
6
60
1
239
1
6
1
5
41
12
140
50
97
0
353
1
2
0
0
21
0
0
0
243
2
269
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
0
238
1
33
0
68
40
24
0
404
0
337
1
6
1
0
37
15
2
399
1
208
2
10
142
4
14
22
0
403
0
57
316
6
0
2
16
16
0
413
0
78
0
0
0
241
74
7
1
401
0
0
6
11
21
4
42
Roma
-
Source: this survey.
Table 82 - Has a job (P.3)
Yes
No
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 83 - Occupation (P.4)
98
Executive
Professionals
Technicians
Administrative
Service
Farmers
Skilled wks
Machine opts
Unskilled wks
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 84 - Religious affiliation (P.5)
Animist
Catholic
Ortodox
Protestant
Muslim
Evangelic
None
Other
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 85 - Make Portuguese friends (P.6)
Very easy
Quite easy
Quite diff.
Very diff.
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
26
218
121
39
0
404
21
238
121
18
1
399
21
176
131
71
4
403
62
261
78
11
1
413
90
266
33
10
2
401
Source: this survey.
Table 86 - Sense of belonging to Portugal (P.7)
1 - Min.
2
3
4
5
6
7 - Max.
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
32
19
44
103
100
54
52
0
404
30
28
62
96
90
46
42
5
399
44
24
42
110
59
40
81
3
403
19
27
42
165
80
44
34
2
413
12
7
9
16
35
54
268
0
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
234
58
36
38
37
1
404
222
59
23
17
77
1
399
181
70
45
37
69
1
403
237
105
27
32
12
0
413
78
41
6
7
268
1
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
314
50
9
3
23
5
404
323
24
3
4
43
2
399
275
50
13
12
48
5
403
280
75
22
21
8
7
413
121
7
2
0
243
28
401
Source: this survey
Table 87 - Not get job (P.8)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't appl
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 88 - Missed promotion (P.9)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't wkd
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
99
Table 89 - Harassed at work (P.10)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't wkd
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
225
62
27
67
23
0
404
248
50
26
32
43
0
399
209
64
23
57
48
2
403
250
88
33
34
8
0
413
93
30
16
18
243
1
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
164
87
23
21
109
0
404
151
68
19
9
150
2
399
158
64
23
16
140
2
403
210
73
13
24
92
1
413
73
52
29
29
216
2
401
Source: this survey.
Table 90 - Denied house (P.11)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't appl
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 91 - Harassed at school (P.12)
100
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't stud
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
43
7
2
4
348
0
404
95
16
4
5
276
3
399
97
18
6
8
272
2
403
49
5
0
1
358
0
413
68
10
5
8
306
4
401
Source: this survey.
Table 92 - Harassed by neighbours (P.13)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
318
53
16
16
1
404
323
46
17
10
3
399
334
41
10
14
4
403
364
33
6
6
4
413
323
39
16
19
4
401
Table 93 - Threats/insults on the streets (P.14)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
305
54
20
24
1
404
246
78
31
41
3
399
251
74
29
49
0
403
352
37
8
11
5
413
303
51
24
18
5
401
Source: this survey.
Table 94 - Subject of violence (P.15)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
381
19
1
1
2
404
361
37
0
0
1
399
370
27
4
1
1
403
383
26
2
2
0
413
373
22
3
2
1
401
Source: this survey.
Table 95 - Barred at restaurant (P.16)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't out
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
367
13
7
3
14
0
404
321
30
6
6
36
0
399
302
25
5
4
67
0
403
336
36
9
11
20
1
413
283
49
22
22
25
0
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
399
4
0
1
0
404
389
8
2
0
0
399
395
5
1
1
1
403
397
10
2
0
4
413
363
24
5
9
0
401
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
82
74
8
13
227
0
404
120
40
9
3
226
1
399
77
52
8
6
259
1
403
86
70
17
11
228
1
413
134
59
17
8
183
0
401
Source: this survey.
Table 96 - Refused shop (P.17)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Table 97 - Denied credit (P.18)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't askd
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
101
Table 98 - Badly treated at restaurant (P.19)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
338
41
11
13
1
404
334
40
16
9
0
399
340
40
6
16
1
403
369
29
5
6
4
413
308
47
17
19
10
401
Source: this survey.
Table 99 - Badly treated at employment agency (P.20)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
115
12
3
3
270
1
404
123
8
2
0
266
0
399
155
14
2
1
231
0
403
177
16
1
4
214
1
413
109
12
3
5
272
0
401
Source: this survey.
Table 100 - Badly treated at social insurance (P.21)
102
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
221
17
3
5
158
0
404
237
30
6
0
126
0
399
236
26
3
5
132
1
403
296
30
3
2
82
0
413
211
30
10
10
138
2
401
Source: this survey.
Table 101 - Badly treated at police (P.22)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
110
12
1
2
279
0
404
98
22
5
3
269
2
399
112
30
4
2
253
2
403
175
26
1
1
209
1
413
138
68
23
51
120
1
401
Table 102 - Badly treated at healthcare (P.23)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
248
25
6
8
116
1
404
309
30
6
6
46
2
399
302
33
4
2
61
1
403
267
31
6
5
100
4
413
287
46
10
6
51
1
401
Source: this survey.
Table 103 - Badly treated at social services (P.24)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
65
3
1
1
334
0
404
118
13
2
1
264
1
399
122
7
3
2
268
1
403
143
10
1
2
257
0
413
161
28
9
5
193
5
401
Source: this survey.
Table 104 - Badly treated by the Foreigners and Frontiers Service (P.25)
No, never
1, 2 times
3, 4 times
5 or + times
Hasn't cont
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
213
49
19
21
102
0
404
256
45
15
15
67
1
399
229
60
19
10
84
1
403
276
44
28
19
46
0
413
213
49
19
21
102
0
404
Source: this survey.
Table 105 - Sense of belonging to home country (P.26)
1 - Min.
2
3
4
5
6
7 - Max.
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
8
5
16
35
33
38
269
0
404
5
5
8
12
17
31
318
3
399
10
7
5
19
21
46
293
2
403
17
14
22
90
54
52
164
0
413
1
1
2
16
14
22
344
1
401
103
Table 106 - Friends of country of origin (P.27a)
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
17
74
118
195
0
404
2
24
83
289
1
399
8
56
110
229
0
403
8
65
129
211
0
413
3
18
70
306
4
401
Source: this survey.
Table 107 - Friends from other foreign country (P.27b)
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
117
138
96
52
1
404
52
156
132
56
3
399
53
128
157
64
1
403
49
153
140
70
1
413
96
150
104
48
3
401
Source: this survey.
Table 108 - Friends from Portugal (P.27c)
104
Never
Seldom
Often
Always
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
30
87
127
159
1
404
67
128
121
81
2
399
96
139
109
57
2
403
27
128
129
128
1
413
8
43
154
191
5
401
Source: this survey.
Table 109 - Evolution of xenophobia (P.28)
Decr. cons.
Decreased
Unchanged
Increased
Incr. cons.
There is no
Dk/Na
Total
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
38
76
112
58
104
11
5
404
23
87
122
75
77
9
6
399
41
106
103
52
69
16
16
403
34
80
131
74
30
62
2
413
24
112
91
92
79
2
1
401
Source: this survey.
Table 110 - Do you know about ACIME (P.29)
Heard of it
Yes, but...
Nev. Heard
Dk/Na
Total
Source: this survey.
Brazilians
Cape Verdeans
Guinea-Bissauans
Ukrainians
Roma
69
52
283
0
404
97
67
235
0
399
109
82
211
1
403
151
66
196
0
413
29
43
328
1
401
0
50.000
100.000
150.000
200.000
250.000
300.000
350.000
400.000
450.000
500.000
Growth Rate
1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004
Number of Foreigners
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
Figure 2 - Foreigners with legal residence in Portugal (includes holders of 'residence
permits' plus holders of 'permits to stay') between 1981 and 2004
(Source: Borders and Foreigners Service)
105
QUESTIONNAIRES
BRAZILIANS, CAPE VERDEANS AND GUINEA-BISSAUANS
Bom dia / boa tarde / boa noite, o meu nome é __________ e trabalho para a Númena, um
centro de investigação em ciências sociais e humanas. Estamos a fazer um estudo sobre as minorias residentes em Portugal e gostaríamos de saber a sua opinião acerca de um conjunto de
questões relacionadas com esse assunto. A informação recolhida serve apenas para fins científicos, não será usada para outros fins e é totalmente confidencial. Importa-se de responder a
algumas questões? [Se sim, agradeça e continue; se não, agradeça e despeça-se]
F.1 - [Anotar sexo]
Feminino. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Masculino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
F.2 - [Anotar região]
Açores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Alentejo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Algarve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Centro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Grande Lisboa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Madeira. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Norte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
106
F.3 - Qual é a sua nacionalidade?
Brasileira . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cabo-verdiana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Guineense . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Ucraniana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Outra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 > [Agradecer e terminar]
F.4 - Qual é a sua idade?
[18, 29] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
[30, 39] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
[40, 60] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Outra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 > [Agradecer e terminar]
F.5 - Há quanto tempo está em Portugal?
Há menos de 5 anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Há mais de 5 anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
[Verificar quotas e continuar apenas se houver cabimento]
P.1 - Qual o nível de instrução que completou no seu país natal?
[Encaixar situações ambíguas com base nos anos de escolaridade aproximados]
Nenhum (0 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1º ciclo (4 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
2º ciclo (6 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
3º ciclo (9 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Secundário ou profissional (12 anos). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Superior (pelo menos 15 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
P.2a - E completou mais algum nível de instrução aqui em Portugal?
Sim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Não. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 > [Passar à P.3]
P.2b - Qual?
1º ciclo (4 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2º ciclo (6 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
3º ciclo (9 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Secundário ou profissional (12 anos). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Superior (pelo menos 15 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.3 - Diga-me, por favor: tem actualmente algum emprego ou trabalho?
Sim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Não. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 > [Passar à P.5]
P.4 - E, no seu trabalho, quais são as principais tarefas que desempenha?
______________________________________________________
______________________________________________________
______________________________________________________
P.5 - Qual é a sua religião?
Animista . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Católico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Ortodoxo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Protestante. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Muçulmano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Nenhuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Outra. Qual? ___________________________________________
P.6 - Considera que fazer amizade com portugueses é...
Muito fácil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Fácil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Difícil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Muito difícil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.7 - As pessoas que vivem em Portugal podem ter, em maior ou menor grau, sentimentos de
pertença, lealdade e identificação com Portugal. Nesta escala o que é que se aplica melhor
ao seu caso?
Não sinto nada que
Tenho um forte sentimento
pertenço a este país
de pertença a Portugal
1..............................2................................3 ................................4 ................................5 ................................6..............................7
P.8 - Diga-me, por favor, se nos últimos cinco anos lhe foi recusado, por causa da sua origem
estrangeira, um emprego ao qual se candidatou e para o qual tinha qualificações?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não me candidatei a nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . 5
P.9 - Alguma vez, nos últimos cinco anos, lhe recusaram uma promoção que esperava por
causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não tive nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
107
P.10 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi alvo de insultos ou outras formas de agressão, no seu local
de trabalho por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não tive nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.11 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi-lhe negada a oportunidade de comprar ou alugar um
apartamento ou casa por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não tentei alugar ou comprar um
apartamento ou casa nos últimos cinco anos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.12 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi maltratado na escola (ou em outra instituição educativa,
por ex., universidade, colégio ou liceu) por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não estive a estudar nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
108
P.13 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de insultos ou outras formas de agressão pelos seus
vizinhos, por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.14 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de ameaças, insultos ou outras formas de agressão em algum
outro contexto (no metro ou na rua), por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.15 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de violência, roubo, furto ou de outro crime sério que
acredita que tenha sido cometido por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.16 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe recusada a entrada em algum restaurante, café, bar, discoteca
ou similar por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não frequentei nenhum destes sítios no último ano . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.17 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe recusada a entrada em alguma loja, quando queria comprar
alguma coisa, por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.18 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe negada a possibilidade de alugar, comprar alguma coisa a
crédito (por ex. um carro, vídeo ou similar), ou pedir dinheiro emprestado a um banco, por
causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não tentei alugar ou comprar
alguma coisa a crédito durante o último ano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.19 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado quando estava num restaurante, ou a
comprar alguma coisa numa loja, por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.20 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço no
Centro de Emprego por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei o centro de emprego durante o último ano . . . . 5
P. 21 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço nos
serviços da Segurança Social por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei com os Serviços
da Segurança Social durante o último ano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.22 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço na
Polícia por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei com a Polícia durante o último ano. . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.23 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço no
centro de saúde ou hospital por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei o centro de saúde ou hospital durante o último ano . . 5
109
P.24 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço nos
serviços de Acção Social, por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei nenhum serviço de acção social durante o último ano 5
P.25 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço no
Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras, por causa da sua origem estrangeira?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei com o SEF durante o último ano. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.26 - Exprima o sentimento de pertença ao seu país de origem, usando para tal a seguinte
escala
Não sinto nada que
Tenho um forte sentimento
pertenço ao meu país de origem
de pertença ao meu país de origem
1..............................2................................3 ................................4 ................................5 ................................6..............................7
110
P.27 - Pense agora nos amigos e conhecidos com quem convive nos seus tempos livres. Com
que frequência convive com:
Nunca
Raramente
Frequentemente
Sempre
Pessoas do seu país de origem . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Outros imigrantes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Portugueses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.28 - Acredita que em Portugal, nos últimos anos, a aversão aos estrangeiros:
Diminuiu consideravelmente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Diminuiu um pouco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Manteve-se inalterada. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Aumentou um pouco. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Aumentou consideravelmente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Em Portugal não existe aversão aos estrangeiros . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
P.27 - Sabe o que é o ACIME (Alto Comissariado para a Imigração e as Minorias Étnicas)?
Sim, conheço o ACIME e sei o que faz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, já ouvi falar mas não sei o que faz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Não, nunca ouvi falar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Peço-lhe ainda que me dê o contacto de dois compatriotas seus aos quais eu também possa
pedir que respondam a esta entrevista.
Nome e contacto da primeira pessoa: ________________________
Nome e contacto da segunda pessoa: ________________________
E com esta pergunta chegámos ao fim do nosso questionário. Agradeço-lhe a sua preciosa
colaboração e desejo-lhe um bom dia.
Nome do entrevistador: __________________________________
Número de telefone do inquirido: ___________________________
Local: __________________________________________________
Data: __________________________________________________
Hora: __________________________________________________
Forma como chegou ao inquirido: ___________________________
UKRAINIANS
дравствуйте! еня зовут __________, я работаю в NUMENA, центре исследований в области
социалогических и гуманитарных наук. настоящее время мы занимаемся изучением
национальных меньшинств, проживающих в $ортугалии, и нас интересует аше мнение по ряду
вопросов, касающихся этой темы. $олученная информация будет использована исключительно
в научных целях и является абсолютно конфиденциальной. 'е против ответить на несколько
вопросов? сли не против, поблагодарите и продолжайте; если против, поблагодарите и
попращайтесь.
F.1 - Укажите пол
(енский. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
ужской . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
F.2 - Укажите регион
Азорские острова . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Алентежу . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Алгарв . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
*ентр . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
+иссабон и окрестности. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
адейра . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
/евер . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
F.3 - акой ы национальности?
0разилец . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
8або-вердианец. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
9винеец /евер . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Украинец /евер . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
;ной /евер . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5 > [облагодарить
и закончить]
F.4 - акого ы возраста?
18-29 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
30-39 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
40-60 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
;ного . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 > [облагодарить
и закончить]
F.5 - колько лет ы находитесь в ортугалии?
енее 5- ти лет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
0олее 5 – ти лет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
роверить квоты и продолжать только в случае совпадения
#.1 - Уровень образования, полученного на родине
случае неясности, указать приблизительно
'улевой . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
4 класса.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
6 классов . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
9 классов . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
/реднее или профессиональное (12 лет) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
ысшее (минимум 15 лет) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
#.2а - олучили ли ы дополнительное образование в ортугалии?
Cа . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
'ет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 > [ереходите
к вопросу #.3]
111
#.2b - акое?
4 класса . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
6 классов . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
9 классов . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
/реднее или профессиональное. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
ысшее . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.3 - кжите, пожалуйста, есть ли у ас сейчас работа?
Cа . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
'ет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 > [ереходите к
вопросу #.5]
#.4 - акие основные функции ы выполняете на работе?
______________________________________________________
______________________________________________________
#.5 - акого ы вероисповедания?
Анимист . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
8атолик . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Ортодокс (православный) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
$ротестант. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
усульманин . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
'икакого. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
;ного. 8акого? __________________________________________
112
#.6 - читаете, что подружиться с португальцами...
Очень легко . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
+егко . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Fрудно. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Очень трудно . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.7 - &юди, живущие в ортугалии, могут испытывать, в большей или меньшей степени,
родственные чувства к этой стране, чувства принадлежности и верности. Укажите
степень аших чувств на этой шкале под номером, который больше всего подходит к
ашему случаю:
/овсем не чувствую
;мею сильное чувство
$ринадлежности к этой стране
принадлежности к $ортугалии
1 .......................2.........................3 .........................4 .........................5 .........................6 .......................7
#.8 - кажите пожалуйста, за последние пять лет было ли ам отказано, из-за того что
ы иностранец, в работе, для которой ы имели квалификацию?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался за работой за последние пять лет. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.9 - *ыл ли за последние пять лет случай, когда ы ожидали повышения в должности и
ам в нем отказали из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е работал последние пять лет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.10 - +а последние пять лет приходилось ли ам на работе испытывать оскорбления или
другие формы агрессивности из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е работал последние пять лет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.11 - +а последние пять лет было ли ам отказано в покупке или аренде квартиры из-за
того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е пытался купить или арендовать квартиру за последние пять лет . . . 5
#.12 - +а последние пять лет приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение в школе
(или другом учебном заведении, например в университете, колледже или лицее) из-за
того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е учился за последние пять лет . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.13 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам быть жертвой оскорблений или других форм
агрессивности от аших соседей из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.14 - +а последний год были ли ы жертвой угроз, оскорблений или иных форм
агрессивности в каких-либо других ситуациях (в метро или на улице) из-за того, что ы
иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.15 - +а последний год были ли ы жертвой насилия, грабежа, кражи или иных серьезных
преступлений, совершенных, по ашему мнению, из-за того что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.16 - +а последние пять лет было ли ам отказано в доступе в ресторан, кафе, бар, на
дискотеку или другое подобное заведение из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е посещал ни одно подобное заведение за последний год. . . . . . . 5
113
#.17 - +а последние пять лет было ли ам отказано в доступе в магазин, когда ы хотели
что-либо купить, из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.18 - +а последние пять лет было ли ам отказано в возможности взять что-либо
напрокат, купить в кредит (например, машину, видео и тому подобное) или взять заем в
банке из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е пытался взять напрокат или купить что-либо
в кредит за последний год. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.19 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение в ресторане
или когда ы делали покупки, из-за того что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
114
#.20 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в =ентре >рудоустройства (Centro de Emprego) из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался в *ентр Fрудоустройства за последний год . . . . . . . . 5
#.21 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в службе оциального трахования (Segurança Social) из-за того, что ы
иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался в службу /оциального
/трахования за последний год . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.22 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в олиции из-за того, что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е имел контакта с $олицией за последний год. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.23 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в =ентре +доровья (Centro de Saúde) или в больнице из-за того,что ы
иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался ни в *ентр доровья, ни в больницу за последний год. . . 5
#.24 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в службах социальной помощи (Acção Social) из-за того,что ы иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался в службы социальной помощи за последний год . . . 5
#.25 - +а последний год приходилось ли ам испытывать плохое обращение или плохое
обслуживание в службе SEF (Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras) из-за того,что ы
иностранец?
'ет, никогда . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, один или два раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Cа, три или четыре раза . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Cа, пять раз или больше . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
'е обращался в SEF за последний год . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
#.26 - ыразите чувство, которое ы испытываете по отношению к своей родине,
используя данную шкалу
/овсем не чувствую
;мею сильное чувство
принадлежности к моей родине
принадлежности к моей родине
1 .......................2.........................3 .........................4 .........................5 .........................6 .......................7
#.27 - одумайте сейчас о друзьях и знакомых, с которыми вы проводите свободное
время. ак часто ы общаетесь
'икогда
Hедко
Iасто
$остоянно
со своими земляками . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . 4
с другими иммигрантами . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . 4
с португальцами. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . 4
#.28 - читаете ли ы, что за последние годы в ортугалии неприязнь к иностранцам
значительно уменьшилась . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
немного уменьшилась . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
осталась прежней. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
немного увеличилась . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
значительно увеличилась . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
в $ортугалии не существует неприязни к иностранцам. . . . . . . . . . . 6
#.29 - +наете ли ы, что такое ACIME (ысший омиссариат по опросам @ммиграции и
Bациональных Dеньшинств)?
Cа, знаю об ACIME и чем он занимается. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Cа, слышал об ACIME, но не знаю, чем он занимается . . . . . . . . . . . 2
'ет, никогда не слышал. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
$росим ас также дать контаты двух ваших земляков, которых мы бы могли попросить принять
участие в этом опросе.
;мя и контакт первого _____________________________________
;мя и контакт второго _____________________________________
'а этом мы заканчиваем наш опрос. 0лагодарим ас за участие. сего ам доброго.
;мя человека, проводившего опрос __________________________
'омер телефона отвечающего на вопросы ____________________
есто опроса ____________________________________________
Cата ___________________________________________________
ремя __________________________________________________
8ак ы были приглашены на опрос ___________________________
115
ROMA
Bom dia / boa tarde / boa noite, o meu nome é __________ e trabalho para a Númena, um
centro de investigação em ciências sociais e humanas. Estamos a fazer um estudo sobre as minorias residentes em Portugal e gostaríamos de saber a sua opinião acerca de um conjunto de
questões relacionadas com esse assunto. A informação recolhida serve apenas para fins científicos, não será usada para outros fins e é totalmente confidencial. Importa-se de responder a
algumas questões? [Se sim, agradeça e continue; se não, agradeça e despeça-se]
F.1 - [Anotar sexo]
Feminino. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Masculino . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
F.2 - [Anotar região]
Açores . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Alentejo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Algarve . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Centro . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Grande Lisboa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Madeira. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Norte . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
116
F.4 - Qual é a sua idade?
[15, 25] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
[26, 45] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
[+45] . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Outra . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4 > [Agradecer e terminar]
[Verificar quotas e continuar apenas se houver cabimento.]
P.1 - Qual o nível de instrução que completou? [Encaixar situações ambíguas com base nos
anos de escolaridade aproximados]
Nenhum (0 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1º ciclo (4 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
2º ciclo (6 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
3º ciclo (9 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Secundário ou profissional (12 anos). . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Superior (pelo menos 15 anos) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
P.2 - Diga-me, por favor: tem actualmente algum emprego ou trabalho?
Sim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Não. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 > [Passar à P.4]
P.3 - E, no seu trabalho, quais são as principais tarefas que desempenha?
______________________________________________________
______________________________________________________
P.4 - Qual é a sua religião?
Animista . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Católico . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Ortodoxo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Protestante. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Muçulmano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Evangélica . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Nenhuma . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7
Outra. Qual? ___________________________________________
P.5 - Considera que fazer amizade com gadjos é...
Muito fácil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Fácil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Difícil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Muito difícil. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.6 - As pessoas que vivem em Portugal podem ter, em maior ou menor grau, sentimentos de
pertença, lealdade e identificação com Portugal. Nesta escala o que é que se aplica melhor
ao seu caso?
Não sinto nada que
Tenho um forte sentimento
pertenço a este país
de pertença a Portugal
1..............................2................................3 ................................4 ................................5 ................................6..............................7
P.7 - Diga-me, por favor, se nos últimos cinco anos lhe foi recusado um emprego ao qual se
candidatou, e para o qual tinha qualificações, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não me candidatei a nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos. . . 5
P.8 - Alguma vez, nos últimos cinco anos, lhe recusaram uma promoção que esperava por
causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não tive nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.9 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi alvo de insultos ou outras formas de agressão, no seu local
de trabalho por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Não tive nenhum emprego nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.10 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi-lhe negada a oportunidade de comprar ou alugar um
apartamento, causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não tentei alugar ou comprar um
apartamento ou casa nos últimos cinco anos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.11 - Nos últimos cinco anos foi maltratado na escola (ou em outra instituição educativa,
por ex., universidade, colégio ou liceu) por causa da sua origem cigana ?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não estive a estudar nos últimos cinco anos . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
117
P.12 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de insultos ou outras formas de agressão pelos seus
vizinhos, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.13 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de ameaças, insultos ou outras formas de agressão em algum
outro contexto (no metro ou na rua), por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.14 - Neste último ano, foi alvo de violência, roubo, furto ou de outro crime sério que
acredita que tenha sido cometido por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
118
P.15 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe recusada a entrada em algum restaurante, café, bar, discoteca
ou similar, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não frequentei nenhum destes sítios no último ano . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.16 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe recusada a entrada em alguma loja, quando queria comprar
alguma coisa, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.17 - Neste último ano, foi-lhe negada a possibilidade de alugar, comprar alguma coisa a
crédito (por ex. um carro, vídeo ou similar), ou pedir dinheiro emprestado a um banco, por
causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não tentei alugar ou comprar
alguma coisa a crédito durante o último ano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.18 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado quando estava num restaurante, ou a
comprar alguma coisa numa loja, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
P.19 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço no
Centro de Emprego por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei o centro de emprego durante o último ano . . . . 5
P. 20 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço nos
serviços da Segurança Social por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei com os Serviços
da Segurança Social durante o último ano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.21 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço na
Polícia por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei com a Polícia durante o último ano. . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.22 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço no
centro de saúde ou hospital por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei o centro de saúde
ou hospital durante o último ano. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.23 - Neste último ano, foi alguma vez mal tratado ou foi-lhe prestado um mau serviço nos
serviços de Acção Social, por causa da sua origem cigana?
Não, nunca . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, uma ou duas vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Sim, três ou quatro vezes. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sim, cinco ou mais vezes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Eu não contactei nenhum serviço
de acção social durante o último ano . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
P.24 - Exprima o sentimento de pertença à sua cultura, usando para tal a seguinte escala
Não sinto nada um sentimento de
Tenho um forte sentimento
pertença à cultura cigana
de pertença à cultura cigana
1..............................2................................3 ................................4 ................................5 ................................6..............................7
P.25 - Pense agora nos amigos e conhecidos com quem convive nos seus tempos livres. Com
que frequência convive com:
Nunca
Raramente
Frequentemente
Sempre
Pessoas ciganas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Imigrantes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Gadjós. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
119
P.26 - Acredita que em Portugal, nos últimos anos, a aversão aos ciganos:
Diminuiu consideravelmente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Diminuiu um pouco . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Manteve-se inalterada. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Aumentou um pouco. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
Aumentou consideravelmente . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
Em Portugal não existe aversão aos ciganos. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
P.27 - Sabe o que é o ACIME (Alto Comissariado para a Imigração e as Minorias Étnicas)?
Sim, conheço o ACIME e sei o que faz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Sim, já ouvi falar mas não sei o que faz . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
Não, nunca ouvi falar . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Peço-lhe ainda que me dê o contacto de dois ciganos aos quais eu também possa pedir que
respondam a esta entrevista.
Nome e contacto da primeira pessoa: ________________________
Nome e contacto da segunda pessoa: ________________________
E com esta pergunta chegámos ao fim do nosso questionário. Agradeço-lhe a sua preciosa
colaboração e desejo-lhe um bom dia.
Nome do entrevistador: ___________________________________
Número de telefone do inquirido: ___________________________
Local: __________________________________________________
Data: ___________________________________________________
Hora: __________________________________________________
Forma como chegou ao inquirido: ___________________________
120
121