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Women Workers in the Sugar Sector of the English-Speaking Caribbean Discussion Paper by the IUF Caribbean Sugar and Bananas Project Introduction This discussion paper presents basic information on the numbers of women workers in the sugar industries of the English-speaking Caribbean; it also identifies and discusses some relevant issues related to women workers (e.g. discrimination, gender issues), with information provided by union and women delegates at two IUF activities: a seminar for women sugar workers in the Caribbean (October 2003, Guyana) and a women meeting (April 2004) in preparation for the IUF global sugar conference, the latter held in May 2004, in Oberjosbach, Germany. Sources are listed in the text. This paper is a report and a reflection on the IUF work with women in the sugar industries of E/S Caribbean, a work that is being expanded to include the banana sector and, starting in 2005, the agriculture in general. Writing the document was responsibility of Jorge Chullén, IUF global sugar coordinator, who claims no expertise in the field, and only expects to have grasped the key aspects of the discussion. The Swedish union LO-TCO supported the E/S Sugar and Bananas project in 2004. December 2004. Unions in the Sugar Sector of the English-speaking Caribbean There are six sugar producing-exporting countries in the English-speaking Caribbean: Barbados, Belize, Guyana, Jamaica, St Kitts & Nevis, and Trinidad & Tobago. Although small with a total yearly production of less than 800,000 tonnes of sugar (raw value), representing about half of a percentage point of the world’s sugar production (estimated at 144 million tonnes in 2003/04), and deceivingly simple because of its size, the sugar sector in the E/S Caribbean encompasses a great complexity, after hundreds of years of history, heavy influence on economics, source of political power and foundation to community life. 1 These industries have experienced dramatic changes over the past two decades, and the following is a summary of the most relevant aspects of these processes. 1- Trinidad: In 2003, the government of Trinidad & Tobago decided the dismantling of the state-owned and state-run Caroni (1975) Ltd., the island’s sole cane processor and owner of two factories, one refinery, and some 77,000 acres of land. The decision was part of the restructuring of the industry, which also involved the closing of one mill; that the state would not longer be involved in cane growing – all cane 1 Belize may be an exception: its sugar industry dates from the late 1860s. IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 1 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean would be supplied by independent farmers –, Caroni was replaced by the Sugar Manufacturing Co. Ltd. (SMLC), now in charge of cane processing; some 10,000 Caroni employees were retrenched. The SMCL then proceeded to outsource all operations: at present, there is no employee hired on a permanent basis in the sugar sector in Trinidad. The dismantling of Caroni (1975) Ltd. had a direct impact on the organization of the sugar workers, as they became casual workers on short-term contracts performing permanent jobs. The All Trinidad Sugar and General Workers Union (ATSGWTU), that since the 1930s had organized and represented sugar workers, lost most of its membership. In fact, there is no union or any other body representing employees (workers and staff) in the sugar sector of Trinidad. 2- Barbados and St. Kitts: small islands with a long sugar history, the sugar industry is the islands have lost their former prominence. In 2002-2005, the Barbadian sugar industry will be reduced to one operating factory, and in 2004, the country permanently lost 7,000 tonnes from its close to 50,000-tonne quota in the European Union because its inability to fulfil it. The St Kitts sugar industry is in no better situation: in 1999, a government-sponsored study recommended the closure of the industry, a recommendation accepted by all parties. Nonetheless, the social and political cost of closing the industry seems too high for the government to absorb, and the industry continues to live in uncertainty. 3- Jamaica: from among the six sugar producing/exporting countries in the Caribbean, Jamaica is where the industry faces major decisions: while the state-owned and stated-financially supported sector, with five of the operating mills (three in the Sugar Company of Jamaica, plus two others), continues to face financial and production problems, the privately owned estates (Appleton and Worthy Park) have registered more solid performances. In 2002, the government closed one mill, Hampden Estate, proposing a redevelopment plan. Increasing production and reactivating the state-owned sector, however, remains a challenge. 4- Belize: the sugar sector in Belize comprises some 9,000 farmers and one milling company, the Belize Sugar Industries (BSI), which presents a peculiar – in the Caribbean experience – ownership structure: the Belize Employees Holdings (BHE) is a trust that controls 81 percent of the stake in BSI, with Tate & Lyle and the government of Belize as minority shareholders. The BEH includes all full-time employees of the BSI, and is controlled by a board that includes worker representatives. The BSI has proposed a consolidation/expansion plan, which includes the development of company-owned cane fields and the setting up of a co-generation plant. 5- Guyana: from the six sugar producing/exporting countries in the English-speaking Caribbean, Guyana presents the best possibilities to expand production, reduce costs, and consolidate its presence in the regional sugar sector. The state-owned Guyana Sugar Corporation (GuySuCo) is managed by Booker-Tate, a multinational specialised in managing industries, and has shown a remarkable performance, which started in 1992, after the near collapse of production in 1990. Then, in response to pressure from international financial institutions, the government of the day privatised the management of the sugar company, as a first step for the sale of the state-owned sugar assets. The change of management, however, recovered elements the sector had lost: manpower and know-how, and introduced a crucially new factor: the ending of political interference in the sector (which plagues most of the Caribbean sugar industries, including the Spanish Caribbean like the Dominican Republic). The end result was a recovery of production, which, coupled with a change in the government, stopped privatisation, on one hand, and allow the sector to recover, on the other. In the late 1990s GuySuCo proposed an expansion program to increase production by one half (from 300,000 to 450,000 tonnes of sugar per year), a program anchored in the construction of a new factory in Skeldon (which includes a co-generation plant and a distillery) and the revamping of the current mills. Expanding production is expected to result in lower costs of production. December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 2 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean Women Sugar Workers The six English-speaking Caribbean sugar industries provide an estimated 45,000 direct jobs, including agricultural workers, although figures on the latter for Belize and Jamaica are difficult to estimate, because of the presence of small-scale farmers, who employ casual labour or migrant workers (Belize). From IUF reports, women workers comprise 6 percent of Trinidad’s sugar labour force (under the now dismantled Caroni (1975) Ltd.), 10 percent of Jamaica’s unionised sugar workers, 14 percent of the total labour force in Guyana, 26 percent in St Kitts, and 57 percent in Barbados. The figures, however, require some comments: in Belize, there is no woman factory worker, which is the category of unionised workers. In Trinidad, the overwhelming majority in all areas of the industry are male labourers, which is also the situation in Jamaica and Guyana. In the latter, information from NAACIE, the union that organises clerical employees, indicates, however, that the majority of its sugar affiliated workers are women, who comprise about 60 percent of total clerical sugar workers. In Barbados, according to the information available, all female workers are in the fields, not in the factory. The information that follows is not homogeneous but provides a fair description of the numbers of women workers in the sugar industries of the English-speaking Caribbean. Jamaica: Labour Force in the Sugar Sector (Registered or unionized workers) September 2003 Total Estate Registered Male % Female % Frome 981 918 94 63 6 Monymusk 889 802 90 87 10 Bernard Lodge 975 871 89 104 11 Long Pond 763 698 91 65 9 St Thomas 586 523 89 63 11 Appleton 423 407 96 16 4 Hampden (closed) Worthy Park (Private) 516 429 83 87 17 New Yarmouth (Private) 120 114 95 6 5 Total Sugar Sector 5,253 4,762 491 Information provided by Jamaica’s UAWU and BITU. IUF Women Sugar Workers Seminar, October 2003, Guyana. Guyana: Labour Force in the Sugar Sector Estate Women Women % of total Skeldon 1,900 471 2,371 2,229 142 6.0 East Berbice Estate 5,740 1,280 7,020 6,318 702 10.0 Blairmont (*) 2,289 549 2,838 1,617 1,221 43.0 East Demerara 3,913 935 4,848 4,314 534 11.0 Wales 1,354 383 1,737 1,615 122 7.0 Uitvlugt 1,931 452 2,383 2,049 334 14.0 Total Sugar Sector 17,127 4,070 21,197 18,142 3,055 14.4 (*) The Blairmont estate is a statistical anomaly for which this writer has no explanation. Information provided by GAWU, quoting GuySuCo, IUF Women Sugar Workers Seminar, October 2003, Guyana. December 2004 Permanent Temporary Total Men IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 3 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean Women Sugar Workers in Caroni (1975) Ltd., Trinidad Women Total Employees Daily-paid workers 303 8,116 Staff 273 1,088 Total 576 9,204 Information provided by ATSWGTU, IUF Women Sugar Workers Seminar, October 2003, Guyana, and information on the restructuring of Caroni (1975) Ltd., quoted in “Sugar Worker”, February 2003. Women Sugar Workers in Barbados Female Male Total Factory 260 260 Field 1,133 567 1,133 Total 1,133 827 1,960 Information provided by BWU. IUF Women Sugar Workers Seminar, October 2003, Guyana The Case of St Kitts A closer examination of the labour force in the sugar industry of St Kitts allows for some general discussion because of the detailed information presented by Mrs Sonia Henry, delegate of the St Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union (SNTLU) to IUF events. The information, it should be added, refers to the whole universe of Kittitian sugar workers. St Kitts – Labour Force in the Sugar Sector by Age and Sex Age Group 15-24 25-34 35-49 50-62 63+ Total Male 112 138 375 180 52 857 Female 5 46 155 76 24 306 Total 117 184 530 256 76 1,163 St Kitts – Female and Male Sugar Workers by Age Groups Age Group 15-24 25-34 35-49 50-62 63+ Total December 2004 Male Female Age group as % Males as % of Age group as % Females as % of of total of total workers in age workers in age male workers female workers group group 13.1 96 1.6 4 16.1 75 15.0 25 43.8 71 50.7 29 21.0 70 24.8 30 6.1 68 7.8 32 100 100 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 4 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean The Kittitian sugar situation exemplifies how sex (nature) and jobs (culture) become gender, and then, under certain conditions, gender becomes an issue that workers and unions need to deal with. The discussion that follows and the conclusions it reaches, although based on Kittitian figures, can be safely applied to most cane-based industries in the developing world. The statistics quoted confirm that sugar is a male-dominated sector, even though the Kittitian numbers are not overwhelmingly in favour of male workers like the cases of Trinidad and Jamaica, where women represent less than 10 percent of the total labour force. When Sex and Jobs Equal Gender Issues The table below shows a complete picture of the Kittitian sugar workers by sex, age and jobs. It is a quite relevant piece of information indeed. St Kitts – Sugar workers by Age Group and Occupation 15-24 in % 25-34 in % 35-49 in % 50-62 in % 63+ in % Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Male Female Senior officials and managers 1 Professionals Technicians and associate professionals 3 Clerks 2 Service workers 1 5 7 3 2 20 Skilled agric. Workers 16 Plan and machine operators 45 Elementary occupations 30 20 No % 7 4 34 4 5 2 2 14 2 3 1 13 2 0 0 8 37 7 8 11 1 4 60 7 32 10 2 2 2 2 3 1 2 20 2 5 2 2 15 1 14 34 3 30 33 83 33 20 1 41 60 Female % 2 2 1 Craft and related workers 3 2 Male No 25 52 1 2 5 1 1 0 4 128 15 3 1 300 35 4 1 280 33 253 83 25 96 Total 58 100 854 306 Information provided by SKNTLU. IUF Women Sugar Workers Seminar, October 2003, Guyana; IUF preparatory meeting, April 2004, Jamaica. More importantly, the table above shows how women are usually confined to “elementary occupations,” with “clerks” coming as a quite-distant second place. The “elementary occupations” demand unskilled labour 2 and usually are low-paid jobs. A massive 82 percent cent of women (253 out of 306) are employed in “elementary occupations,” while women in certain age group find themselves exclusively confined to this slot: for instance, from 100 women of 50 years or more of age, all except four (04) are in this category.3 Jobs in the upper echelons of the sugar sector (senior officials and managers, professionals) are overwhelming occupied by male employees (88 per cent of the 69 positions in the two quoted categories), but the male-dominated character appears in full force when dealing with skilled labourers (crafts, machine operators) where male employees hold 98 percent of the 435 positions available. (Every year, the St Kitts Sugar Manufacturing Co. imports some 600 workers, mostly from Guyana and the Dominican Republic, for 2 Formal education, that is, because it is difficult not to appreciate that handling a machete to cut cane or using a hook to get rid of weeds or appropriately drop and cover cane seeds when planting (on which germination also depends) do require a skill not learned in a formal classroom setting. 3 The information provided for Barbados indicates that all women are employed in fieldwork. The writer, however, has not been able to identify if the figures refers to unionisable/unionised employees or to the actual number of workers. The information from St Kitts is clearer on this regards, therefore its use. December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 5 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean the harvesting of cane; all of them are male cane cutters.) Statistically speaking, a woman worker in the Kittitian sugar sector, is usually found in the unskilled, low-paid jobs. A delegate of the St Kitts-Nevis Trades and Labour Union (SNTLU) reported to the IUF meetings that women are hired for cutting cane for planting, drop planting, fertilizing, weeding and grass digging. Initial findings of a research by GAWU on the conditions of women sugar workers in Guyana point to a situation similar to the St Kitts. In brief: the lower the pay, the more probable that the worker is a woman; the older the woman, the more probable her job is an unskilled position. Gender becomes an issue. Wage and Earning Discrimination Discrimination against women is also evident in terms of remuneration. The report from St Kitts states that a female worker earns some 26 Eastern Caribbean dollars per day (USD 1.00=XCD 2.67), while her male counterpart may earn XCD 30 per day for the same job, a difference of 14 percent (or more in some instances). This means a woman needs to work from 2 Jan. to 31 Dec. to earn what a man does from 2 Jan. to 10 Nov. the same year, assuming that both enjoy the same number of holidays and days of rest. While straight wage discrimination appears to be uncommon in other Caribbean territories – although the Barbados report mentions such discrimination in privately-owned farms –, a more common situation is discrimination through tasks, which is much more difficult to identify and, therefore, deal with. Much of the fieldwork in sugar – as well as in other crops – is paid by the task, which is usually defined for a day’s work (and in theory related to, at least, a minimum wage). From here, it is commonly heard of an “x” amount of cane cut, a “y” number of acres weeded, a “z” number of bags of fertilizer applied, and so on. Multiple questions arise, almost immediately: What is the (daily) task to be fulfilled in order to ensure a minimum wage? What elements are taken into consideration to define such task? Who defines such task? Reports presented at two IUF meetings with women sugar workers 4 from which most of the information for this report is taken, spoke of the complains of women workers that they are unable to fulfil the daily task, therefore earn less money than they are entitled to. A finer discussion should be developed, as to determine if the remuneration obtained through the daily tasks actually covers at least the legislated minimum wage. The usual explanation for women inability to complete their task is that agricultural work demands some physical strength and ability that women lack because they are women. This assertion, however, has to be discussed further, as natural prowess and strength is not distributed evenly among a specific labour population and, within that population, is not determined only by sex either. A study on ergonomics implemented in a Sao Paulo sugar company shows some interesting and challenging data on the performance of 35 workers (19 females, 16 males), during a seven-and-a-half month period in the 2001 season. 5 The first comment arising from the study is summarised in the following table. Volume of Cane Cut: May-November 2001, Sao Paulo Minimum Female 6.11 tonnes/day Male 4.96 tonnes/day Maria Cristina Gonzaga, p. 10 Average 8.10 tonnes/day 7.13 tonnes/day Maximum 12.60 tonnes/day 9.80 tonnes/day 4 Seminar for Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean, October 2003 in Guyana, and a preparatory meeting for the IUF global sugar conference held in April 2004 in Jamaica. 5 Maria Cristina Gonzaga O uso dos equipamentos individuais de protecao e das ferramentas de trabalho no corte manual da cana de acucar FUNDACENTRO March 2002. December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 6 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean Contrary to common understanding, this study shows that female workers cut more cane than men in all categories: minimum, average and maximum tonnage. Also, the study says that women worked longer than male workers (having then an impact on their indexes?): the average number of days worked by these women cane cutters was 17 days per month, male workers worked for 14 days per month. Another interesting finding of the study is that, on average, the women in the control group were four years older, nine kilograms lighter, and ten centimetres shorter than the men. Therefore, the group of people of lesser physical strengths within that specific labour population of 36 cane cutters outperformed the stronger group in the exhausting task of cane cutting. 6 A possible explanation, the study quotes an expert, is that “women bear the environmental conditions better than men of the same age.” But, is this a fact? In the opinion of the present writer, the Brazilian information points in a different direction: Firstly, even a physically demanding agricultural task like cane cutting is defined by variables other than natural prowess or strength. A task, even when a direct relationship to workers’ physical characteristics can be historically or theoretically argued, it does not depend on whether the worker is a man or a woman; it is defined by the economic, social and conditions where production occurs. As the Brazilian ergonomic study shows: female cane cutters were older, lighter, and shorter than the male cutters and, nonetheless, they worked more days and cut more cane, and, we should assume, were more reliable workers for the company. Secondly, determining the size of a task, usually in an upward trend, is a selection of workers: the less able workers (men or women) go, the better workers (men or women) stay – and work harder. These may be the reasons why the Brazilian ergonomic study found that women cane cutters outperformed the men in that particular sugar company during the 2001 harvest. In a report to the IUF global sugar conference 7, the Brazilian CONTAG (the National Confederation of Agricultural Workers) described the level of automation and mechanization, the downward pressure on wages and salaries, the increase of offer in labour present in the sugar/alcohol sector. CONTAG adds that companies in Sao Paulo state, the heart of the Brazilian sugar/alcohol complex, tend not to hire workers who cannot cut an average of 9 tonnes of cane per day. Ten years ago, the average tonnage of cut cane was about half that amount, 4.5 tonnes per day. Companies look for younger workers (below 40 years of age), and, practically speaking, women are not longer hired. Empirical evidence corroborates this assertion, as the number of women workers in the sugar/alcohol sector has drastically diminished. This, however, does not mean that women not longer work in cane, as the ergonomic study shows. From the general trend of the sugar/alcohol Brazilian complex, those women still employed, in particular in the agricultural sector, are – and need to be – the best female workers, while the men represent, in truer fashion, the average man-day work. 8 Determining remuneration through tasks, which are apparently based on physical conditions determined by sex, is actually a way to control remuneration for all workers, with the least protected ones suffering the most. If the Brazilian case demonstrates something is that a labour population (in and by itself) does not reflect the supposed natural characteristics of humankind (“being” a man or a woman), but the specific manner in which production is carried out and workers are organised to fit that production; a way that reproduces the values of the society in which production takes place: discrimination through less 6 Unfortunately, being a study on ergonomics, there is no information on wages and salaries. CONTAG Situación de los Trabajadores Rurales del Sector Sucroalcoholero de Brasil p.10. Document prepared for the IUF global sugar conference, Frankfurt, May 2004. 8 If the Sao Paulo company where the ergonomics study was implemented goes on to dismiss the lesser performers among male workers, then the average production for male workers would increase, and female workers’ average would not be so strikingly better as they are now (probably helping to justify a new round of downsizing or dismissal?) This sort of company decisions, however, has little to do with the sex of workers, and more with economic and social conditions. 7 December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 7 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean remuneration either in the straight manner of paying less for the same job or through a task-based and more convoluted way, reflects the discrimination based on gender.9 While wage discrimination might be easier to identify and quantify, it is also true that other forms of discrimination, less quantifiable and more difficult to identify, are present, reproducing values from society. For instance, while reports from Guyana describe an egalitarian remuneration system, with male and female workers earning the same wages for the same job (although men tend to produce more, therefore receive more money), also speak candidly of sexual harassment as being “not a major problem.” Some statistics, however, should give the Guyanese unions and workers pause: up to 80 percent of women workers employed by GuySuCo are single parents according to a NAACIE delegate to an IUF meeting; figures confirmed by a study in progress by the research department of GAWU that says that 90 out of 110 women interviewed for the study were single parents. What else do these rough and probably anecdotic figures speak about if not of the subordinated position of women, reaffirmed by the fact that very seldom anything is heard about single-parent men? Determining an agricultural task is an exercise of fair remuneration for workers, in which the question to answer is how to define the size of a task that corresponds to a negotiated minimum wage, or, at least, to the nationally legislated minimum. 10 Other Gender/Women Issues The IUF meetings also collected and heard reports on Maternity leave, which in all cases is stipulated in the collective bargaining agreements or in the national legislation; on health and safety, and sexual harassment. The latter were topics of particular concern for women, but the information is still to be completed and cross-referenced, as to make their discussion useful for the trade union work. In general terms, health and safety conditions in agricultural activities, where most of the women work, are described as poor: - lack of adequate personal protective equipment, which in some cases women have to buy by themselves, lack of sanitary facilities, portable latrines and adequate facilities for women to change clothes and wash themselves, lack of shelters to protect workers against weather, sun and heat, as well as to allow a reasonable space to eat, and drinking water to be provided, poor training and education programs on the handling of chemical products in the fields. Along with the identification of some practical issues as the list above, there is also the question of reporting or, more precise, underreporting of accidents, which appears related to two main issues: an active discouragement of reporting accidents because of the possible increase in insurance premiums, and the cumbersome reporting process itself. Related to health and safety issues, unions and women delegates 9 Discrimination against women workers is not a prerogative of the developing world. The Sugar Worker reported in its October 2004 issue that Amalgamated Sugar, a sugar beet processing company in the United States, settled a discrimination case against 151 women job applicants and its females employees by agreeing to hire 22 of the applicants and increase the female employees’ salaries by an combined annual USD 13,000, in order to make their salaries equal to male workers. The settlement also required the company to spend USD 1,500 in training their directors on equal employment opportunity regulations. 10 A discussion on agricultural tasks for women took place at the IUF seminar for women workers (October 2003, Guyana), where an argument was expressed, possibly worthy of the risk of a “positive discrimination” even tough it echoed some social stereotypes: given that women are physically less strong than men, the argument went, they should be given lighter/smaller tasks to allow them to earn a decent living. The argument attempts to address the question that the job performed ought to be fairly remunerated, independently from the person who performs it; even though the person who performs it might be in need of special protection – not because of her but because of society. December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 8 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean underlined the need for HIV/AIDS education and prevention programs, and a clear and firm policy of preventing discrimination, because of infection, in the work place. A second area of concern was sexual harassment. Discussing sexual harassment is difficult in any situation where information is not available, where participants feel discouraged to contribute, and where, in general, taking a lighter view of the issue replaces an open and serious discussion. The IUF meetings, however, took an important step: from an initial position, shared wittingly or unwittingly by female and male participants, that sexual harassment is “not a major problem” because of social and cultural circumstances (e.g. “people like gossiping,” therefore there is no much possibility to keep anything secret, such as sexually harassing a subordinate) to realise that information and education is basic to understand what sexual harassment is (i.e. related to power to decide over an individual worker’s job, conditions, and perspectives) and be able to differentiate it from cultural traits (body expressions, for instance). The discussion on sexual harassment was enriched when delegates to the preparatory meeting for the IUF global sugar conference talked about domestic violence, which in many instances is masqueraded as a cultural “use” or “shortcoming.” Starting with an accepted comment: “I am luckier than my mother because my husband hits me once a week, and she was hit everyday,” the delegates went explored in some depth what domestic violence is and the reasons why women tend to accept it as a cultural “trait.” The discussion was done using the women’s own experience (and experiences from relatives, friends and acquaintances – and, quite probably, also hearsay) and led them to realise the need for more information and education on domestic violence, and to consider the possibility that domestic violence may not be a cultural “use” or “deficiency” after all. A pressing issue is the participation of women in unions, as members and leaders, matters on which, paradoxically, this writer has not enough hard and reliable information to allow an educated discussion – beyond some safe and general comments. All unions reported the presence of women in the leadership, either at the executive level or as union delegates, and, of course, as members. They also agreed, as shown in the resolution quoted below, that women participation is not adequate and does not make justice to the presence of women in the sector. From reports heard at the IUF meetings, most of the unions have two or three women in the national executive body, but this general statement requires qualification because Caribbean unions usually affiliate several categories of workers, and therefore, it is possible that no woman sugar worker belongs in the executive or decision-making instances11. For instance, the executive of the Barbados Workers’ Union has two women among its three vice-presidents, and five women among the remaining 21 executive members, making seven eight out of 24 members (or 30 percent). At the level of the Sugar Council, however, there are three women out of 25 members (12 percent). Information from other unions is sketchy: GAWU in Guyana, basically a sugar workers union, has two women in its 20-member executive, while BITU in Jamaica reports that 35 percent of union delegates are women, and the CBA negotiating sugar team in St Kitts has no woman member. General Comments This discussion paper attempts to support an educated discussion on the situation of women workers in the Caribbean sugar sector. It is still to be enriched, extended to the banana sector, and then to Caribbean agriculture, or at least to those crops that are relevant to the Caribbean territories and IUF affiliated unions. This paper is an instance to evaluate the information available, identify some issues, and share it with the unions for its use as an input for further work. It is by no mean considered to be a final product. Some general comments may be relevant: 11 The fact that women are part of the leadership does not in itself guarantee that gender-sensitive union policies are in place. This matters is of course a discussion that Caribbean unions would need to pursue in the future. December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 9 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean 1- Union strength comes from organising and fairly representing all workers but, increasingly, also from creatively influencing the society in which unions operate. In the case of women workers, unions are called to create an alternative social perception of the role of women as workers, their rights, and protection. This is especially true when combating discrimination. 2- Unions need to be sensitive to the needs of the workers they represent, and practical and strategic approaches should be in place. From the statistical description of women workers, unions are challenged to provide adequate protection to agricultural workers, both in terms of the specific jobs they perform and for the fact that the majority of women workers are employed in this area. 3- Information and knowledge are key activities for a strong and active union organisation. The information provided here, as well as the experience (albeit limited to two meetings) within the IUF regional sugar work underline the lack of reliable information, which the unions should readily have. 4- Organisational strategies should address the situation of women workers in a strategically and practically way: women as workers (wages, terms and conditions, health and safety, etc.) and in relation to cultural and social practices that prevent them from fully participating in unions as members or, more importantly, as part of the leadership. Single-parenting is a case in point: unions have to proactively look for and find solutions for what is, in most cases, a women issue: single parenting and domestic chores take an important portion of women’s lives and worries. Along with creating favourable conditions for the participation of women in unions, which is, after all, their logical and natural right as workers, unions have to creatively educate, train and prepare women for leadership positions. This is indeed a highly political and conscious decision that, in real practice, challenges some of the ways unions have been organised. Recommendations for future work of the IUF Caribbean The First Seminar for Women Workers in the Caribbean Sugar Sector, which preceded and reported to the Fifth Regional Sugar Meeting (October 2003, Georgetown, Guyana), passed some recommendations for the regional sugar/bananas/agricultural work of the IUF. These were also part of the preparatory meeting for the IUF global sugar conference (May 2004, Frankfurt, Germany), where a woman delegate from BITU-Jamaica, made a presentation of some women issues. The recommendations were: 1- Equality/equal pay for work of equal value/task rates On first accounts, the wage difference reported in the industries of St Kitts and Barbados appear not to be present in the other countries (Jamaica and Guyana). The meetings called the unions to lobby their government to ensure that the provisions of ILO Convention 100 on equal pay for work of December 2004 equal value are observed. All six Englishspeaking Caribbean sugar-producing countries have ratified Convention 100. Unions should ensure that women are assigned tasks based according to their abilities, tasks that should allow them to ear a decent living and can be determined by a time and motion study/equality audit. 2- Occupational Health and Safety Unions expressed concerns about health and safety problems in sugar, and cited examples such as the lack of adequate protective safety gear, medical care, and education and training programs. Unions welcomed the adoption of ILO Convention 184 on safety and health in agriculture, and called the Caribbean government to adopt it. All of the six sugar-producing countries are yet to adopt this convention. IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 10 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean 3- Sexual Harassment and Respect to Women Unions agreed that women should become aware of the signs of sexual harassment, which can be achieved through joint education activities with management, and developing solidarity among women workers. Unions are also lobby the government to legislate laws for the protection of women against violence and sexual harassment. 4- Equality within Trade Unions and Ensuring Women’s Participation Unions recognised that women workers do not fully participate as union members and are underrepresented in the union leadership, and called them to follow IUF policy to ensure a minimum of 40 percent representation of either sex at the senior union levels. English-speaking Caribbean Sugar Trade Unions Affiliated to the IUF Barbados – Barbados Workers’ Union (BWU) Belize – The Belize Workers Union (BWU) Guyana – Guyana Agricultural and General Workers’ Union (GAWU Guyana – National Association of Agricultural, Commercial & Industrial Employees (NAACIE) Jamaica – Bustamante Industrial Trade Union (BITU) Jamaica – University and Allied Workers Union (UAWU) St Kitts – St Kitts Nevis Trades & Labour Union (SKNT&LU) Trinidad – All Trinidad Sugar and General Workers Trade Union (ATSGWTU) IUF Caribbean LeVere Richards, Regional Secretary c/o Barbados Workers Union “Solidarity House” Harmony Hall St. Michel P.O. Box 172 Bridgetown/Barbados Phone (+1-246) 426 3492/5 Fax: (+1-246) 436 6496 E-mail: [email protected] December 2004 IUF – Global Sugar Coordination Jorge Chullén 48 Maclean Ave. Toronto, On Canada M4E-3A1 Phone: (+1-416) 699-5885 E-mail: [email protected] IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper Page 11 Women Sugar Workers in the Caribbean English-speaking Caribbean - Centrifugal Sugar Production (1970 – 2003, metric tonnes, raw value) Year Barbados Belize Guyana Jamaica St. Kitts Trinidad Caribbean 1970 160,420 69,753 332,826 382,294 na 221,543 1,166,836 1971 140,451 64,756 394,540 393,632 26,224 220,177 1,239,780 1972 116,500 73,002 335,338 387,441 27,053 237,898 1,177,232 1973 120,839 73,689 280,283 339,086 24,463 185,544 1,023,904 1974 112,680 91,884 352,740 378,445 26,732 186,815 1,149,296 1975 101,967 85,684 310,859 366,441 25,855 163,040 1,053,846 1976 106,486 68,242 342,770 365,498 36,460 205,010 1,124,466 1977 119,836 97,831 253,127 395,811 24,794 178,004 1,069,403 1978 103,785 119,138 341,911 305,580 40,899 148,137 1,059,450 1979 117,110 105,330 316,414 291,025 40,745 143,521 1,014,145 1980 135,493 108,363 286,230 236,389 35,609 113,580 915,664 1981 96,867 103,645 320,168 204,010 33,135 93,317 851,142 1982 88,378 113,628 304,963 198,050 36,876 78,685 820,580 1983 85,837 120,323 265,481 202,295 27,594 79,020 780,550 1984 97,688 108,576 256,481 187,778 30,612 66,500 747,635 1985 101,414 109,520 257,688 209,125 27,455 80,000 785,202 1986 112,633 104,704 260,547 198,771 28,491 94,736 799,882 1987 83,868 87,761 233,815 189,435 25,256 88,075 708,210 1988 81,033 88,846 178,308 221,715 25,815 94,204 689,921 1989 67,044 93,949 170,497 204,973 24,769 100,443 661,675 1990 69,954 108,146 133,761 208,592 25,000 122,284 667,737 1991 66,531 103,367 168,114 233,882 19,768 103,655 695,317 1992 55,000 107,653 254,633 228,024 20,000 113,702 779,012 1993 48,000 108,293 255,581 219,046 25,000 107,936 763,856 1994 51,000 107,620 264,697 223,041 30,000 127,086 803,444 1995 55,000 115,169 257,987 214,089 25,000 116,976 784,221 1996 59,114 113,128 287,035 236,027 20,000 116,639 831,943 1997 62,393 131,368 283,275 232,998 31,000 120,141 861,175 1998 46,473 123,102 263,010 182,761 24,000 78,647 717,993 1999 53,205 123,862 335,582 211,540 20,000 91,760 835,949 2000 58,373 128,056 273,317 209,825 20,000 115,139 804,710 2001 50,000 113,665 284,474 205,127 20,000 89,335 762,601 2002 45,000 118,507 331,068 175,215 20,000 104,267 794,057 2003 36,000 111,109 302,000 153,670 22,000 66,914 691,693 Source: Sugar Yearbook, International Sugar Organization, various issues December 2004 IUF E/S Caribbean Discussion Paper World 72,896,138 73,959,434 75,744,360 78,012,886 76,397,195 78,841,893 82,403,318 90,356,483 90,604,955 89,209,943 84,392,431 92,764,046 101,809,793 96,901,194 99,208,975 98,155,330 100,280,548 104,457,035 104,590,613 107,183,905 110,894,370 112,100,376 117,564,863 112,377,893 110,457,503 117,882,608 125,048,377 125,093,762 125,948,388 134,891,670 130,573,780 130,561,589 142,204,753 148,361,887 As % of World 1.68 1.55 1.31 1.50 1.34 1.36 1.18 1.17 1.14 1.09 0.92 0.81 0.81 0.75 0.80 0.80 0.68 0.66 0.62 0.60 0.62 0.66 0.68 0.73 0.67 0.67 0.69 0.57 0.62 0.62 0.58 0.56 0.46 Page 12
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