PDF - The UK Cognitive Linguistics Association

Cognitive Relations in the
Semantics of BrazilianPortuguese Preposition em
Copyright © 2012
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings
http://uk-cla.org.uk/proceedings
Vol 1: 19 – 45
APARECIDA DE ARAÚJO OLIVEIRA
Universidade Federal de Viçosa
[email protected]
In this paper, we present a semantic description of the polysemy of BrazilianPortuguese preposition em, by following Ronald Langacker’s model of Schematic
Network. We based our study on an introspective analysis of a 1.2-million-word
corpus of journalistic texts published in three newspapers from major Brazilian
cities between 2007 and 2008. A locative sense has long been ascribed to this word,
although it can be found in some uses which do not invoke this concept.
Furthermore, em occurs in less specific contexts than locative prepositions with
approximate values in other languages, such as dans, sur, à, and in, on, at, into, and
onto, a fact which renders its meaning strongly context-dependent. Our aim then is
to propose an account for both its abstractness and its polysemy, by adopting
Langacker’s (1987) usage-based model of language and his concept of ‘construal’,
Johnson’s (2005; 1987) ideas about ‘image schemas’, Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980)
theory of ‘conceptual metaphor’, Talmy’s (2000) ‘closed-class semantics’, and
Vandeloise’s (1991) study of ‘functional relations’ as determinants of the meaning of
spatial prepositions. The analysis of 2813 samples revealed two highly schematic
senses for the preposition em, derived from the CONTAINER schema: ‘location’ and
‘specification’. The first is elaborated in twenty-two categories and subcategories,
representing 86.78% of the uses. As a result of the functional effects of ‘control’ and
‘support’, nine categories were found to instantiate the latter sense of specification,
also in various concrete and abstract domains. Most of the variation obtained in
spatial contexts could be explained by construal effects and the Container/contained
functional relation. Other uses were interpreted as emerging from metaphorical and
metonymic processes.
Keywords: preposition, construal, functional relation, polysemy, schematic network
1. Introductioni
This paper provides a semantic analysis of the Brazilian-Portuguese
preposition em, traditionally known for its highly abstract semantic pole. Even
though a vague locative sense has long been ascribed to this word, some of its
uses do not invoke this concept. Furthermore, em occurs in less specific
contexts than locative prepositions with approximate values in other
languages, such as the French dans, sur, and à and the English in, on, at, into,
and onto, a fact which renders its meaning strongly context dependent. In
order to achieve this purpose, we propose a cognitive account for both its
abstractness – schemas obtained from its use in context –, and its polysemy –
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 20
spatial and non-spatial locative meanings, and non-locative meanings as well.
The distinction between abstractness and polysemy is not at issue in this
article, so the choice for these terms should not imply any theoretical stance.
Instead, we aim to demonstrate how these meanings can be organized as to
form a prototypical category structured as a network such as the Schematic
Network Model proposed by Langacker (1987). This model allows for both
schematic and prototypical meanings, as well as cognitive interconnections
between the nodes representing the different classes of use.
In order to present as comprehensive a description as possible, we based our
study on an introspective analysis of a 1.2-million-word corpus of journalistic
texts published in three newspapers from major Brazilian cities between 2007
and 2008. A more detailed presentation of this corpus will come in due
course. As for the analysis itself, we adopt Langacker’s (1987) usage-based
model of language and his concept of construal, Johnson’s (2005, 1987) ideas
about image schemas, Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) theory of conceptual
metaphor, Talmy’s (2000) closed-class semantics, and Vandeloise’s (1994,
1991) study of pragmatic determinants of the meaning of spatial prepositions.
As relational words, prepositions have a semantic structure containing
schematic information about the elements they relate named trajector and
landmark. Prepositional meaning may include more specific relations, i.e.,
schemas containing topological and geometric notions, and in some cases,
information concerning the shape of a region. As for the trajector and the
landmark, these entities are thought to stand in asymmetry to each other, as
seen in Talmy (2000: 183). Thus, the trajector tends to be more salient
although its spatial or temporal properties may be unknown. It is usually more
mobile, smaller, geometrically simpler, and more dependent. The landmark,
on the other hand, is often less salient but acts as a reference for the trajector.
As a result, its position is known and more stable and its geometric properties
tend to be relevant and complex. The landmark is also more independent.
In meaning interpretation, context – with its physical, cultural, social and
linguistic dimensions (Langacker, 2008: 464) – determines the most salient
aspects of the domain a preposition applies to (Silva, 2006: 80). Further
specification is obtained by means of conceptual schemas abstracted from
spatial configurations, which include geometrical features of entities,
functional effects of spatial configurations (Vandeloise, 1991) and the
selection of different facets of a view, a type of focal adjustment in the
construal of a scene (Langacker, 1987: 117).
According to Vandeloise’s (1991: 217, 227-8) monosemist view of spatial
prepositions, geometric or topological notions alone cannot account for the
meaning of these words. In order to explain possibilities and constraints in the
use of French spatial prepositions, he proposes that objects stand in functional
relations in space, which can be described as rules. One such relation is called
the Container/contained Relation, which defines the meaning of a preposition
such as the French dans. This relation involves the ideas of ‘inclusion’ and
‘control’. This latter is seemingly crucial to the Container/contained Relation,
especially in contexts involving non-canonical containers, such as open
21 de Araújo Oliveira
containers, which only partially hold some object located within.
An example of this Relation can be obtained from the comparison of Le fil est
dans la pince (The wire is in the pliers) versus ??Le fil est dans la pince à linge
(??The clothesline is in the clothes pin) (p.217). Although the spatial
configuration is the same in both examples, Vandeloise argues that dans
sounds natural only in the first example because the pliers actually ‘control’
the wire. On the other hand, in the second sentence, the clothes pin is hanging
from the clothes line, not really holding it, and thus, does not conform to the
Container/contained Relation. Control is thought to motivate meaning
extension in the semantic network as discussed in section 5.9.
As stated earlier, contextual meaning depends largely on construal. The
understanding of the spatial scenes described in (1) and (2) involves the
selection of a different facet of the landmark (Langacker, 1987: 117), although
the noun caixa (box) profiles a same kind of tridimensional paper object in
each case. This focal adjustment results in a different relation invoked by the
phrases: for nas caixas (on the boxes) in (1), the outer surface of the box is
highlighted and for em uma caixa (in a box) in (2), the interior of the box is in
focus.
(1) A recomendação para o teste genético também vai ser impressa nas caixas
dos remédios. (JB – Jul.25. 2008)
(Advice to the genetic test will also be printed on the boxes of medicine.)
(2)
... encontrou a criança em uma caixa de papelão... (JB – May.17. 2008)
(… found 3S the child in a cardboard box.)
Thus, it is argued that in order to understand the polysemy of this preposition,
one should consider the several other lexical items available in context,
identify the conceptual domain they invoke, and only then try to obtain
higher-order schemas. In example (1) above, due to our pragmatic knowledge,
the word impressa (printed) sets the focus on the outside of the box. In (2),
unless it were overtly marked otherwise, the landmark’s main function as a
container determines the preposition’s specific meaning. Besides functional
effects of spatial configurations, differing patterns of construal, metaphorical
and metonymical processes of semantic extension are also to be taken into
account in any semantic analysis of these forms.
2. The Preposition em
Starting from its form, the preposition em also appears as n- as it blends with
articles, numerals, and demonstrative pronouns and adjectives: na casa
[em+a casa] > in theFEM house; nesta casa [em+esta casa] > in thisFEM house;
nisso [em+isso] > in thisNEUTER; naquele [em+aquele] > in that oneMASC. In some
usages with indefinite articles and pronouns, this merging is not obligatory,
the choice of the form depending mostly upon register variation: em uma casa
> numa casa (informal)= in aFEM house.
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 22
Regarding its semantics, this highly abundant preposition is frequently said to
invoke a conventionalized sense which is a vague [topological] notion of
‘location’ (for instance, Neves, 2000: 670-80), although this particular sense
may not be applied to all uses of this word. Almost as a rule, most of the
meaning evoked by em is the result of context, i.e., of possible
conceptualization schemas emerging from the domain in which the evoked
scene takes place.
One such schema which is often associated with the meaning of em is the
CONTAINER schema that could be noted as the diagram below. The rectangle
is the landmark or ground which contains the trajector or figure, represented
as a black circle. This schema is the result of the very nature of the elements
involved in the configuration as well as of the way they stand to each other. As
an abstraction of similar – but not exactly the same – experiences, this
schema provides for both partially open as well as completely closed
containers, and that is why the line at the top of the diagram is broken.
(3)
Imaginem o suco num copo ii
(ImaginePL the juice in a glass.)
Figure 1. The CONTAINER schema.
This schema involves the more specific topological notions of ‘inclusion’ and
‘closure’, but as shown below, the trajector need not necessarily be totally
inside the landmark nor need these entities have any specific orientation in
space, except for pragmatic reasons.
As argued by Vandeloise (1994), constraints on spatial orientation are often
determined by the nature of the trajector and the landmark. For instance, in
an adaptation of his classical example, one would probably say peras numa
tigela (pears in a bowl) to describe a scene with the bowl opening facing
upwards. Were the bowl turned upside down, one would probably use peras
debaixo de uma tigela (pears under a bowl). On the other hand, fumaça numa
tigela (smoke in a bowl) would sound odd simply because a bowl opening
would be far too wide to hold any smoke inside. Just as in and under, the use
of em and debaixo de depends on the ideas of ‘containment’ and ‘location’.
Encyclopedic knowledge about the structure and physical properties of liquids
and gases also explains this case of partial inclusion conveyed by em. One can
say a espuma da cerveja no copo (beer foam in the glass), even if only the
liquid is indeed inside the glass. The liquid and the foam are the same
substance, and the foam can hold to the liquid, so, we can think of them as a
single entity. A more specific complex preposition such as dentro de (inside)
23 de Araújo Oliveira
would not be used in Brazilian Portuguese unless the foam itself were inside
the glass.
Another image schema emerging from external context which can also be
conveyed by em is shown in Figure 2. The diagram represents the CONTACT
schema, which may involve the functional concept of ‘support’ due to the
landmark’s conceptualization as a surface and the way the trajector interacts
with it.
(4)
Se for preciso, vamos acampar na quadra. (E. de Minas – Aug.05.2008)
(If necessary, we shall camp on the court.)
Figure 2. The CONTACT schema.
As for conventionalized meaning, we understand that em does not evoke
movement of any sort. This notion is conveyed by the verb. Suffice to compare
examples (3) and (5).
(5)
Imaginem uma jarra despejando suco num copo.
(ImaginePL a jug pouring juice in a glass.)
Figure 3. A complex schema.
The diagram in Figure 3 represents a complex image schema including a
PATH to the interior of a CONTAINER. Regarding (5), the smaller rectangle
represents the container copo (glass) with its interior highlighted. The arrow
indicates the movement evoked by the verb despejar (to pour). And the circle
represents the trajector suco (juice) that moves. This schema is neuter
regarding the direction of the movement and can be used to describe various
other scenes.
Other contexts in which em may occur are seen below.
(6)
(7)
(8)
... brincando com o canudo no copo vazio.
(... playing with the straw in the empty glass.)
... cada linha no copo medidor representa 10 ml.
(... each line [carved] in the measure cup represents 10 ml.)
Colocou a mão no copo d'água.
(Put3S-PAST his/her hand on the glass of water.)
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 24
(9)
(10)
(11)
(12)
(13)
Ele mantém o olhar no copo.
(He keeps his eye on the glass.)
O DEM oficializou nesta quinta-feira, 19, a candidatura do deputado ACM
Neto. iii (Estadão – Jun.21. 2008)
(The DEM Party made ACM Neto’s candidacy official this Thursday, the 19th..)
… o Plano prevê investimentos em outras três áreas prioritárias. (JB –
Jun.21. 2008)
(… the Plan includes investments in three other priority areas.)
… Japan Times trazia uma enorme foto em preto e branco de uma favela.
(Estadão – May.01. 2008)
(…the Japan Times brought a huge picture in black and white of a shantytown.)
É graduada em Psicologia pela PUC Minas. (E. de Minas – Aug.03. 2008)
(She has a degree in Psychology from PUC Minas.)
These examples (or other similar ones) of attested use will be more thoroughly
described in section 5. Thus far we can say that (3) through (9) express
situations in the space domain, and the latter involves the idea of a ‘virtual
path’ toward someone’s eyes.iv They all illustrate that the geometrical features
of the trajector are not always sufficient or adequate to define the spatial
notions perceived. The greater salience attributed to one of the facets of the g
and the existence of fictive motion of the line of sight kind (Talmy, 2000: 110111) should provide a better account of the phenomenon.
Metaphorical and metonymical processes are involved in uses (10) through
(13), with mappings from space to time and to other domains. These
mappings derive from schema structure and schema logic, which are obtained
from the reoccurrence of similar experiences. Thus, the uses above belong to a
same complex, internally coherent semantic category, resulting from different
cognitive processes.
3. The Network Model
As stated earlier, we propose to explain the polysemy of the preposition em by
using a R. Langacker’s Schematic Network model, which includes schemainstance categorizing relations, patterns or generalizations (the schema in
each node), and the sanctioning of new uses. Sanctioning may be total, the
case being when a use fully reproduces the pattern (a conventionalized unit).
However, most of the times sanctioning is only partial, that is, the higher
order schema is not totally compatible with the new use and, still, a language
user takes it as a peripheral member of the prototypical category the pattern
represents. We understand a prototypical category (Rosch, 1978) as one in
which members are related to each other in terms of family resemblance
(Wittgenstein, 1953) and one or some members are more salient (a schema
more recurrent in the network) than others. The picture below is an example
of the application of the model to nominal concepts.
25 de Araújo Oliveira
FRUIT
FRUIT’
APPLE
BANANA
TOMATO
PEAR
Figure 4. Schematic network for nominal concepts.
Source: Langacker (1987:74)
The vertical relations in the diagram represent categorization through
instantiation or, the other way around, abstraction. A higher order schema
appears at the beginning of the arrow, an instance at the head of the arrow.
Thus, FRUIT is a very schematic concept, which includes highly abstract
notions found in FRUIT’ and TOMATO, and also in APPLE, BANANA and
PEAR. A FRUIT has some facets found in both FRUIT’ and TOMATO, and
these are both instances of FRUIT. The diagram also includes a case of
meaning extension, represented as a broken line between FRUIT’ and
TOMATO. This means that TOMATO does not perfectly instantiate the
concept FRUIT’. Also included in this network there could be a metaphorical
extension of FRUIT, meaning the ‘result of a process’, for instance.
4. The Corpus
Table 1 shows how the research corpus was thematically stratified according
to the content in the newspaper sections. Categories were labeled after these
sections. The texts come from three of the major newspapers in Brazil: Jornal
do Brasil (JB), from Rio de Janeiro, Estadão, from São Paulo, and Estado de
Minas, from Belo Horizonte.
Distribution and word count of linguistic items tend to remain stable among
texts from a same genre/register (Biber, 1990). However, although no
evidence was sought, the semantic categories analyzed might have been
influenced by the variety of themes. By adopting a thematic stratified
organization for the corpus we expected to obtain greater variety of domains
in which em might occur. In this kind of conservative procedure, random
samples of texts were taken from the thematic categories instead of random
sampling from the whole population of texts. There was also an attempt to
keep the number of texts proportional to the newspaper issue, so that strata
would be more adequately represented (Biber, 1993: 244).
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 26
Thematic category
Cities
Science and
technology
Behaviour
Crime
Economics
Education and
culture
Sports
International
Environment
National
Politics
Health
Traffic
TOTAL
JB
Estadão E. Minas
TOTAL
40104
8161
53635
101900
25750
694
48321
40678
6074
9534
16001
69175
95020
17323
26760
42081
126844
27551
91082
150516
63498
56667
38698
11403
48350
34118
14328
9611
432220
23549
93860
35112
1058
12955
3103
677
6196
285455
33459 121924
17184 167711
36356 110166
31082
43543
37218
98523
18819
56040
19242
34247
21781
37588
449960 1167635
Table 1. Thematic structure of the corpus and word counting per source.
A total number of 41614 concordance lines were obtained by using the
software TextSTAT©. From these we selected 3000 instances of prepositional
use, proportionally distributed according to the frequency of combined forms
in the corpus. Table 2 summarizes the frequency of the different forms in the
corpus, as well as the statistical procedures adopted to select the samples to be
analyzed. The table shows, for instance, that forms such as naquilo, nisto,
nisso, num and numa were fairly rare in the corpus, very likely due to the
genre chosen. Moreover, some of these forms are more common in certain
contexts than in others. One such example is nesta (in/on thisFEM), which
collocates with nouns referring to days of the week in 82% of its occurrences, a
bias towards the notion of ‘location in time’. Thus, besides the number of
samples of each form being proportional to their frequency in the corpus, the
selection of concordance lines was based on a systematic random sampling
strategy, which means that one in every fourteenth line underwent analysis.
Finally, in some cases, exactly the same text appeared in different newspapers.
These doubles were deleted and the total number of samples analyzed was
reduced to 2813.
27 de Araújo Oliveira
Singular
Plural Percentage Samples
One out of
Analyzed
Em
14584
Z
Na(s)
10007
1394
Naquela(s)
32
1
Naquele(s)
28
7
Naquilo
3
Z
Nessa(s)
140
16
Nesse(s)
185
44
Nesta(s)
1317
12
Neste(s)
391
15
Nisso
15
Z
Nisto
3
Z
No
11162
1928
Num(ns)
40
0
Numa(s)
290
0
Totals:
38197
3417
Total occurrences in the
corpus:
35.05%
27.40%
0.08%
0.08%
0.00%
0.37%
0.55%
3.19%
0.98%
0.04%
0.00%
31.46%
0,10%
0,70%
100,0%
1051
822
2
3
0
11
17
96
29
1
0
944
3
21
3000
14
14
14
14
0
14
14
14
14
14
0
14
14
14
41614
Table 2. Frequency of em and its formal variants in the corpus
5. Some Analysis
Spatial uses of the preposition em are classified here according to the most
salient topological notion (‘inclusion’, ‘contact’ etc.) obtained from the spatial
configuration. This notion emerges from the way the landmark and sometimes
the trajector are construed in terms of their dimensions and of other elements
in the scene. Other than that, metaphorical and metonymical explanations
were found for the non-spatial uses.
5.1 Inclusion
The CONTAINER schema invokes a topological notion of closure (of the
landmark), which, by its turn, relates to other components of the container
structure. The boundary, for example, is an intuitive notion corresponding to
the external surface of an object in contrast with its interior and its
complement (the remaining space not including the object). Thus, the concept
of closure comprises the interior and the boundary of a container and is also
the operation that produces this effect (Smith, 1994).
Although the topological notion of ‘inclusion’ may seem undisputed, the
examples below illustrate some differences which can only be explained in
terms of conceptualization. One such case is the distinction between total and
partial inclusion conveyed by the lexical items in the context together with
encyclopedic knowledge.
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 28
The scene described in (14) involves a trajector (água) inside a landmark
construed as a sealed tridimensional CONTAINER (garrafas), and gives rise
to the idea of ‘total inclusion’. In (15), although the trajector (água) is totally
included, the landmark (copo) is now open. In (16), one way the scene can be
construed is having Quartiero standing in the back of the truck, in which case,
part of the trajector would exceed the landmark’s height, and thus, represent
partial inclusion. In all three examples though, the trajector is contained in
the landmark and the preposition em applies.
(14) Nem toda a água que compramos em garrafas é mineral. (Estado de Minas –
Aug.03. 2008)
(Not all water we buy in bottles is mineral).
(15) Suponha que a água no copo à direita se transforme na água no copo à
esquerda. (Estado de Minas, Aug.10. 2008)
(Suppose the water in the glass on the right becomes the water in the glass on
the left)
(16) Quartiero seguiu na carroceria de uma caminhonete. (JB – May.17. 2008)
(Quartiero went on in the back of a pick-up truck.)
5.1.1 Inclusion in a Medium
A variation of total inclusion occurs when the landmark is some unbounded
substance that totally involves the trajector as a result of their physical nature.
In the cases immediately below, we assume the landmark is a medium
involving the trajector.
(17) A Mars Express nos confirmou a presença de metano na atmosfera
marciana. (Estado de Minas – Aug.06. 2008)
(The Mars Express has confirmed the presence of methane in the Martian
atmosphere.)
(18) A estiagem prolongada favoreceu o aparecimento das algas na água. (Estado
de Minas – 2007)
(The long drought fostered algae growth in the water.)
(19) Sem terra, água, sol, nutrientes e minhocas no chão, nosso arroz e feijão já
era. (Estadão – May.01.2008)
(With no soil, water, sunlight, nutrients or worms in the ground, you can get no
food.)
5.1.2 An Empty Trajector Included in a Medium
In the examples seen so far, the trajectors have always been entities with some
sort of “positive” concrete existence. Nevertheless, it may be the case that a
medium will come to involve a certain entity having a “negative” concrete
existence, which is, in essence, an absence or flaw in the landmark, such as
buraco (hole) in (20). These entities constitute empty spatial trajectors.
(20) O buraco na parede foi feito com dois pedaços de ferro.
(The hole in the wall was made with two pieces of iron.)
According to the Gestalt principle of closure, we tend to see complete figures
even when part of the information is missing. So, by adapting Langacker’s
ideas (1987: 194-95) about ‘closure’, Vandeloise (1991: 213-14) proposes that
29 de Araújo Oliveira
the viewer (conceptualizer) completes the surface of the landmark in such a
way that it becomes a medium which involves the entity with a negative
existence. In this configuration, the boundary of the internal closure of the
landmark and the external boundary of the trajector overlap. In the figure
below, the broken line completes the landmark and the shaded region is the
trajector.
Figure 5. Closure of the landmark during conceptualization.
Source: Vandeloise (1991:214)
Cuyckens (1993: 50) argues that, in cases like this, the whole interior of the
landmark is its active zone, and not only its boundaries. Thus, entities like
holes, cracks, perforations of any sort must be construed the same way as any
concrete object, for instance, a nail in a wall. Again, in this case the idea of
inclusion is not so emphasized in Portuguese as in English, for instance. One
evidence might be the fact that buraco na parede (hole in the wall) and
buraco da parede (*hole of the wall) evoke approximate meanings.
The flexibility of human cognition is also described by Tyler and Evans
(2003:183-4). One such case is our capacity to understand non-canonical
containers as able to ‘include’ or ‘contain’ objects, so that we use prepositions
that indicate ‘containment’ with these landmarks. This way, it is possible to
construe as containers landmarks such as countries, cities, regions, seas, etc.
whose boundaries are barely definable to the ordinary speaker as in (21).
(21) Vários confrontos armados foram registrados no Vale do Bekaa e em Beirute.
(Estado de Minas – Aug.06.2008)
(Several armed conflicts were registered in the Valley of Beqaa and in Beirut.)
Again, it should be said that the preposition em by itself does not mark the
distinction between “pure” location and inclusion. The complex preposition
dentro de (inside; in) is the one to convey ‘inclusion’ in Brazilian Portuguese.
5.2 Non-specific Location
Evidence of this more abstract sense comes from the large number (33.88%)
of spatial uses of em in the corpus that do not evoke a more specific notion
than ‘location’. In these cases, the landmarks cannot be clearly construed as
tri-dimensional objects or this aspect is not relevant. As argued by Vandeloise
(1991: 5-6), in face of an utterance such as Le curé est à la plage (the priest is
at the beach), it would be very unlikely for any speaker to consider this scene
in terms of geometric principles. Instead, he proposes that the beach would be
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 30
construed as an undetermined mass and the priest would not be construed as
a point. The French à could be said then to convey localization, a functional
concept. We would say the same is valid for em and propose that these cases
derive from inclusive contexts, in which ‘location’ is more relevant.
This way, although a building is a tri-dimensional object, in (22 )one cannot
immediately conclude that Jeferson was inside it. He could be at the entrance,
in the patio, in the garden, in the parking lot etc. The relevant aspect is his
being there and not in some other part of town.
(22) Segundo o promotor, Jeferson estava no prédio na noite do crime. (JB –
Jun.21.2008)
(According to the district attorney, Jeferson was in/at the building on the night
of the crime…)
Neither does the fact that the oil platforms are only partially in the sea seem
relevant for construing the scene in (23). As argued by Vandeloise (1991: 161
and 246, n.3), this is a typical case in which the conceptualizer is at a
reasonable distance from the scene and the North Sea becomes its search
domain for locating the trajector.
(23) Cerca de 70 plataformas no Mar do Norte foram obrigadas a fechar ou
reduzir a produção. (Estadão – May.01.2008)
(Nearly 70 platforms in the North Sea had to close or reduce their production.)
Besides the instances described so far, the basic concept of ‘location’ takes
part in other categories shown in the sequence of the analysis.
5.3 Contact
The topological relation of ‘contact’ emerges from uses such as the ones below,
where the preposition sobre (on) could substitute for em.
(24) Três modelos levitavam (deitadas em pranchas estreitas)... (JB –
Jun.21.2008)
(Three models levitated (lying on narrow boards)...)
(25) Menores ficam deitados em mesas de escritório, idosos em colchões no
chão. (Estado de Minas – Apr.28.2008)
(Under-age youths lie on office desks, the elderly on mattresses on the floor.)
The trajectors (models, youths/the elderly) are obviously not ‘included’ in the
landmark. It seems, indeed, that em merely introduces their location. The idea
of ‘support’ comes from the kinds of objects standing in a specific spatial
relation and the way gravity acts upon them. Context also contributes to the
meaning of (25), for instance, because one would not expect to see people on
desks. But the fact that the children are lying on office desks activates (in
Langacker’s terms) the flat surface – the current active zone – of those pieces
of furniture.
5.4. Proximity
Trajector or landmark geometry does not account for the two uses below,
31 de Araújo Oliveira
either. Both evoke the topological notion of ‘proximity’. In (26), highlighting
the flat surface of the table would cause inadequacy, with the person being
construed as sitting on the table.
(26) ... quem vocês estão vendo, naquela mesa bebendo, é meu querido amor. (JB
– Aug.15.08.08)
(...the one you see drinking at that table is my darling love.)
Likewise, in (27), the trajector hospital is not located on the surface of the
street, neither in the street itself, but in an area that starts beyond the
pavement. The building is located in the ‘proximity’ or ‘adjacency’ of the
street. It could be said then that both the table and the street are construed as
having some kind of ‘zone of interaction’. Evidence for that is the fact that em
would sound awkward were the person just near the table, but not actually
using it or if the building had its entrance facing a different street.
(27) O evento será às 13h, no próprio hospital, na Rua Rodolfo Rocco, 255. (JB –
Jun.21.2008)
(The event will be held at 1 pm, at the very hospital building, at 225 Rodolfo
Rocco Street.)
5.5 The Target v of a Movement
Brazilian-Portuguese em does not evoke the concept of ‘movement’. However,
in dynamic contexts, it locates the trajector at the final end of a PATH, where
the landmark is. Examples (28) and (29) evoke a complex image schema of
‘caused motion’ in which the end of this path is in focus, no matter if it is a
container or a surface or any unbounded substance.
(28) Depoimentos de moradores, fotografias, vídeos e a análise da água mostram
que esgoto sem tratamento está sendo despejado na lagoa. (Estado de Minas –
Aug.06.2008)
(Residents’ reports, photos, videos, and the analysis of the water show that
untreated sewage has been dumped into the pond.)
(29) Além de uma faixa com os dizeres “Queremos um time de verdade”, bonecas,
pipocas e bananas foram jogadas no gramado. (Estadão – Jun.24.2008)
(Besides a banner which read “We want a real team”, puppets, popcorn and
bananas were thrown at the field.)
5.6 From Inclusion to Contact
One could ask then why em expresses both ‘inclusion’ and ‘contact’. There are
at least two possible explanations to start with, one based on construal
(Langacker, 2001) and another, on pragmatics (Vandeloise, 1991). Construal
involves our capacity to view a scene, focusing on one of its facets and leaving
the other ones in the background. The same process occurs in the scene
described in (30), used earlier to explain ‘partial inclusion’.
(30) Quartiero seguiu na carroceria de uma caminhonete. (JB – May.17.2008)
(Quartiero went on in the back of a pick-up truck.)
The trajector Quartiero is understood to be standing against the internal
boundary of the landmark (the back of the pick-up truck). This landmark has
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 32
geometric properties of an open container. Quartiero is also in ‘contact’ with
one of its internal boundary, the facet selected in the construal. Reoccurrence
and pragmatic strengthening would account then for the shape of the
container being no longer relevant so that em may be used in situations of
contact.
An alternate explanation would be the countless occasions we come in contact
with a CONTAINER image schema, when the landmark’s geometry is
considered. Em codifies inclusion in all kinds of possible containers – totally
closed containers such as a balloon, open containers ranging from glasses to
objects minimally concave such as some salad bowls. When it comes to these
bordering cases, one cannot easily establish the exact point where a trajector
is no longer inside a landmark and is then located on it.
5.7 Location in Time
Lakoff and Johnson (1999: 139-69) among others have discussed the
conceptual dependence between time and space in western thought. They
describe this relationship in terms of conceptual metaphor, highlighting the
connection between time and movement. According to them, while in Physics
time is a notion that precedes movement, in cognition it is the other way
around: the concept of movement emerges from sensory-motor experience
and is consequently a basic image schema. This allows for other concepts such
as the passing of time to derive their structure therefrom.
According to what Lakoff and Johnson (1999: 141-42) call the moving time
metaphor, time lapses are considered objects and the passing of time is
associated with a PATH. As a result, the construal of time frequently involves
mappings from this image schema. This way, an initial point is mapped onto
the first instant of a period of time; a final point on the PATH onto the last
instant of this same period; and a sequence of points between the two ends of
the path are mapped onto the time interval itself, not taking into account its
first and last moments (Smith, 1994).
While the complex preposition através de (across; through) in Portuguese
evokes the whole extension of a path and even its external boundaries, em
highlights the whole interior of this region or some part of it.
The utterance below represents a case in which the entire interior is in focus.
The process evolves during the whole period of time – eleven years –, a
phenomenon comparable to the topological notion of ‘inclusion’. Just as in the
space domain, this region can be construed as an open or a closed
CONTAINER, or still, some undefined mass.
(31) Queremos o nosso bonde restaurado com as características técnicas que sempre
funcionaram em seus 11 anos de existência. (JB – Jun.21.2008)
(We want our tram restored with the technical features that have always
worked in its 11 years of existence.)
The same schema could be used to describe the scene in (32), in which the
trajector is a certain amount of nitrogen that fills the entire sealed receptacle.
33 de Araújo Oliveira
(32) ... ele foi mantido em nitrogênio em um ambiente isolado pelas duas ou três
últimas décadas. (Estado de Minas – Aug.06.2008)
(It was kept in nitrogen in an isolated environment for the last two or three
decades.)
We could also distinguish the punctual nature of an action or fact having no
internal duration, as classified by Vendler (1967), taking place inside a time
region. So, in the examples below, the bank’s insolvency and the occurrence
of a typhoon are events that do not fill the whole period of time.
(33) Trata-se do quinto banco a falir neste ano no país. vi (Estadão – Jul.24.2008)
(It is the fifth bank to go bankrupt in the country [in] this year.)
(34) A espetacular obra de engenharia se encontra em uma região propícia ao
surgimento deste fenômeno no verão. (Estadão – May.01.2008)
(The spectacular work of engineering is located in an area prone to the
occurrence of this phenomenon in summer.)
These events are construed as individual objects similarly to the spatial scene
described below.
(35) Havia cinco frascos de lança-perfume no carro dirigido por Lombardi.
(Estadão – Jun.24.2008)
(There were five bottles of illegal drug in the car Lombardi was driving.)
5.7.1 Temporal Location in a Punctual Landmark
Differently from the situations described above, certain processes may be
construed as punctual and coincide with a point in time. The meaning of these
temporal constructions share an image schema with spatial scenes construed
as ‘punctual location in space’, with a landmark with no linear extension. Just
as found in spatial contexts, the utterances below are instances of the
phenomenon Talmy (1977) calls the ‘rubber-sheet cognition’: the time lapses
are strikingly different in their sizes, still the preposition used is the same.
(36) O helicóptero foi entregue ao Governo do Estado no dia 1º de outubro do
ano passado. (Estadão – Jun.24.2008)
(The helicopter was delivered to the State Government last year, on October
first.)
(37) ‘Resolvi começar ‘do começo’ regravando Farinha do Desprezo, faixa que abriu
meu primeiro LP, em 1973.’ (Estadão – Jun.25.2008)
(“I decided to start ‘from the beginning’, recording Farinha do Desprezo again,
the opening song of my first LP, in 1973.”)
5.8 Location in Other Domains
Besides space and time, em takes part in utterances about scenes in other
domains, still evoking the concept of ‘location’. Some involve activities or
events as trajectors and occur in both concrete and abstract domains. Other
scenes have clearly abstract landmarks, such as emotional states and
situations. Some scenes are static and others are dynamic. In the latter case, it
is assumed that the location described by em is the ‘goal’ or ‘ending point’ of a
PATH schema.
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 34
These types of location are possible and so pervasive because of the human
capacity (described by Lakoff and Johnson, 1980) to use schemas abstracted
from basic concrete entities to construe more complex ones. Once physical
objects make good reference points, the same property can be attributed to
non-concrete entities.
5.8.1 Location in Groups
Image schemas may undergo certain transformations during construal. Lakoff
(1987: 428) describes multiplex-mass transformations as the two distinct
ways a collective object can be construed. When a conceptualizer views a
group in close-up the individual objects which form that group appear as
distinct entities (multiplex). However, as she goes farther from this collective
entity, its components become less and less distinct and the group may be
construed as a mass.
As reasoned by Tyler and Evans (2003: 185), after being construed as a mass,
these entities may function as bounded landmarks. This allows for both
dynamic and static interactions in which the landmark includes the trajector.
In (38), a collective landmark (a political party) is construed as a mass that
can be split in half.
(38) Está formalizado o racha no PSDB. (JB – Jun.21.2008)
(The rupture in PSDB has become official.)
5.8.2 Activities and Events
Tyler and Evans (2003: 189) call our attention to the strong cognitive relation
holding between an activity and the place it occurs. Evidence for this
association can be found in the usual relation between someone’s occupation
and their work place.
(39) Houve um outro erro logo no início de seus anos na Casa Branca.
(There was another mistake in her early years in the White House.)
The construal of White House includes not only the building, but also the
activities and policies developed inside it. A metonymical process is involved,
once the building is a secondary concept evoked by the linguistic expression.
As a result of reoccurrence, this association between the activity and a place
becomes stronger and em comes to collocate with the name of the activity
itself. Thus, em may be found in utterances in which the landmark is an
activity that does not necessarily take place in a specific location.
The construal of activities and events as things (Langacker, 1987) is an
ordinary cognitive fact that allows us to understand them as bounded objects.
We then assume that activities and events provide the same motivation for the
use of em. The command of the Mexican team in (40) and the fertilization in
(41) represent activities with certain duration, while the Olympic Games (40)
and the final game (41) are events very limited in time. All of them are
landmarks in which the trajectors take part somehow.
35 de Araújo Oliveira
(40) Com um dos maiores atacantes de sua história no comando, os mexicanos
não conseguiram vaga nos Jogos Olímpicos de Pequim e ainda foram
derrotados pelos Estados Unidos na decisão da Copa Ouro. (Estadão –
Jun.24.2008)
(Having one of the best strikers in their history in command, Mexicans did not
qualify for the Olympic Games in Beijing and were defeated by the United
States in the final game of the Golden Cup.)
(41) Dejetos usados na fertilização degradam microbacias.
(Waste used in fertilization degrades micro-basins.)
5.8.3 States and Situations
States are construed as CONTAINERS or bounded regions in space (Lakoff
and Johnson, 1999: 176, 179-81). This motivation can be found in static uses
of em in which the meaning ‘contained in a bounded region’ is evoked by
abstract landmarks construed with properties inherited from the space
domain, as represented below.
(42) ‘A gente fica nessa angústia, porque ele passou de uma vida para outra e
queremos apenas enterrá-lo’. (Estado de Minas – Aug.05.2008)
(‘We are in this anguish, because he passed away and we just want to bury
him.’)
(43) ... a rejeição é experimentada, muitas vezes, em solidão. (Estado de Minas –
Aug.03.2008)
(... rejection is often times experienced in solitude.)
5.8.4 Changes of State or Condition
Psychological states as well as situations are usually construed as bounded
entities similarly to concrete landmarks. This way, it is possible for someone
or something to be em, to enter, and to leave a state, a condition or a situation.
In this conceptual relation between changes of state and movement (Lakoff
and Johnson, 1999: 179, 183), the initial and the final states are construed as
objects (CONTAINERS). Thus, changes of state are movements in or out of
these regions. And once movement in space implies the existence of a PATH,
changes and transformations represent departing from an initial state (object
1) and leading to a final one (object 2). The landmark is the target of the
movement. In the examples below, a change takes place from an initial state
(some material, a tradition, and market condition) to a final state (fiber,
disuse, and the ruined market).
(44) A mistura se transforma em fibra. (Estadão – May.01.2008)
(The mixture turns into fiber.)
(45) A tradição de dar notas e conceitos aos alunos caiu em desuso. (Estado de
Minas Aug.05.2008)
(The tradition of grading students has fallen into disuse.)
(46) “Grandes executivos deixaram o barco assim que o mercado de títulos entrou
em colapso.” (Estadão – Jun.25.2008)
(Major executives abandoned the ship as soon as the bond market collapsed
(entered “into” collapse).
In these contexts, em does not evoke the entire path, but highlights the
location at the ending point of the transformation. The use of this preposition
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 36
in the construction acabar em (to end up) in (47) provides evidence for that:
without the preposition, acabar (to finish) expresses a transformation from
existence to non-existence. The landmark introduced by em creates the
possibility of another state other than non-existence.
(47) Namoros na Internet podem acabar em crimes virtuais. (Estado de Minas –
Aug.06.08.2008)
(Dating on the Internet may end up in virtual crimes.)
The same image schema of a PATH is found in (48) which conveys a dynamic
spatial scene having a landmark (uma cisterna=a well) construed as a
container.
(48) Os bombeiros resgataram uma vaca que caiu em uma cisterna. (Estado de
Minas – Apr.2008)
(The firemen rescued a cow which had fallen in a well.)
Since physical and abstract actions may share a same schematic structure,
changes of state may eventually coincide with the way a process develops.
Their structure usually involves a prior stage of promptness, an initial stage,
the main process, and a final stage besides other possibilities in between.
(49) De terça até sexta-feira, Belo Horizonte sedia a 7ª Ecolatina, dedicada ao tema
“Mudanças climáticas: tempo de entrar em ação”. (Estado de Minas – 2007)
(From Tuesday through Friday, the 7th Ecolatina will be held in Belo
Horizonte, dedicated to the theme “Climate changes: time to get into action”.)
(50) A plataforma FPSO Cidade de Rio das Ostras entrou em operação no dia 31
de março. (JB – May.17.2008)
(The platform FPSO Cidade de Rio das Ostras came on stream (entered “in”
operation) on March 31.)
The preceding examples represent cases of abstract motion expressed by the
verb entrar (to enter). This verb describes spatial scenes with a landmark
usually characterized as a CONTAINER as in (51). Once again, we have a
complex schema of a PATH towards a CONTAINER.
(51) Anderson entra em casa para contar a novidade à mãe. (Estadão –
Jun.25.2008)
(Anderson enters his home to tell his mother the news.) vii
5.8.5 Purpose
The purpose of a non-physical action is comparable to that of a physical one
(Lakoff and Johnson, 1980). In (52), the action of holding a luncheon is the
trajector of a movement and its target is to honor someone.
(52) ...no almoço oferecido em sua homenagem, ele não segurou a bronca. (JB –
Aug.15.2008)
(... at the luncheon held in his honor, he did not hold the reprimand.)
5.8.6 The Target of a Cognitive Activity
While interpreting certain scenes, the conceptualizer may construe a kind of
37 de Araújo Oliveira
fictive motion (Talmy, 2000: 110-11), with a trajectory understood as a line of
vision that goes from the viewer’s eyes to the object. As both viewer and
viewed are static, this phenomenon is a virtual movement and explains the
linguistic expression of scenes in the domain of perception such as (9)
repeated below.
(53) (9) Ele mantém o olhar no copo.
(He keeps his eyes on the glass.)
In this example, the glass is the target of a perceptual activity, and thus, it
sounds natural that the relation between the trajector and the landmark be
expressed by the locative preposition em.
But Talmy (2000) also deals with perception and cognition as two adjacent
domains the boundaries of which overlap. They form a single domain called
ception. As a result, cognitive processes and sensorial activities are equally
construed as fictive motion, and the preposition em locates the trajector at the
final end of a virtual PATH. Evidence comes from the examples below.
In (54), o outro jogo (the other game) is the landmark and the target of
pensando (thinking). Theoretically, the speaker construes a line of vision
toward the landmark. The verb acreditar (to believe) is among those verbs
that convey sensorial or cognitive activities and also fit this type of construal
in which the landmark is the target of the movement.
(54) Não posso comandar meu time pensando no outro jogo. (Estado de Minas –
Aug.06.2008).
(I can’t command my team thinking about the other game.)
(55) Eu ouvi esses rumores, mas asseguro que não há maneira de acreditar nisso.
(JB – Jun.21.2008).
(I’ve heard these rumors, but I assure that there is no way to believe [in] this.)
5.9 The Control Effect and Metaphor
As stated before, Vandeloise (1994, 1991) argues that semantic investigation of
prepositions should be based on encyclopedic knowledge about the kind of
relations actually holding between entities in space instead of focusing
exclusively on geometric notions or selection restrictions. One such relation is
called the Container/contained Relation (Vandeloise, 1991:215-6; 1994:172)
and would suffice to explain the deviation from the canonical asymmetry
between the trajector and the landmark summarized in the Introduction. As a
consequence of the Container/contained relation, the container controls the
trajector in its interior and this control allows for the occurrence of the
preposition em as in the example (56). Although bigger than the landmark (o
vaso=the vase), the trajector (pinheiro natural=natural pine tree) is the
contained entity and has its position determined by and dependent on the
landmark.
(56) ... a época é ótima para adquirir um pinheiro natural, uma vez que ele não
secará ao ficar apenas um mês no vaso.
(This time is great to buy a natural pine tree since it will not wither from staying
in a vase for just a month.)
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 38
Two further examples exploring the control effect in the Container/contained
Relation are shown below. Both scenes invoke a same geometric
configuration. However, only the first example in each pair is acceptable
because, despite being smaller, the socket controls the position of the light
bulb, and the bottle, although mobile, determines the position of the lid.
(57) ... foram colocar uma lâmpada no bocal, mas Régis escorregou, caiu...
(...
they set to place a light bulb in the socket, but Régis slipped, fell down…)
(58) ?? ... foram colocar o bocal numa lâmpada, mas Régis escorregou, caiu...
(??... they set to place a socket on a light bulb, …)
(59) Coloque a tampa na garrafa, depois vire a garrafa de ponta cabeça na pia.
(Place the lid on the bottle then turn the bottle upside down in the sink.)
(60) ?? Coloque a garrafa na tampa, depois vire a garrafa de ponta cabeça na pia.
(?? Place the bottle in the lid then turn the bottle upside down in the sink.)
Metaphorical mappings are assumed to take place as a result of the control
effect arising from the CONTAINER schema. A first and more transparent
situation can be found in the example (61) below, where the phrase nas suas
mãos (in your hands) stands precisely for under your control.
(61) O futuro desta campanha está em suas mãos. (Estadão – May.01.2008)
(The future of this campaign is in your hands).
Furthermore, it is still argued here that this consequence of the CONTAINER
schema motivates some non-locative uses of em.
5.10 Specification
Meaning extension due to the control effect can be accounted for by means of
experiential correlation (Grady, 1997). The analysis of the scene described
below reveals an image schema derived from a situation holding in some place
equated with a container twice (quitinete=kitchenette and caixa=box). An
expected cognitive response emerging from such an experience is a sensation
of being contained in some bounded space which allows little movement.
(62) Paula mora em uma quitinete que mais parece uma caixa de fósforos.
(Paula lives in a kitchenette that is more like a box of matches.)
However, this sensation is not necessarily present every time the preposition
em takes this landmark. A partially distinct context, such as Paula mora em
uma quitinete que mais parece uma galeria de arte (Paula lives in a
kitchenette that is more like an art gallery) does not yield the same cognitive
response. Our knowing that Paula lives in a kitchenette and the sensations
that emerge therefrom stand in an experiential correlation. As a result of
pragmatic strengthening (Traugott, 1988) these sensations would be gradually
detached from the physical experience and become a part of the semantics of
em. As situations as (62) are far more common than the alternate context, it is
the control effect that lives up to allow for the use of em in non-locative
contexts.
39 de Araújo Oliveira
5.10.1 Plain Specification
Broadly speaking, by adding details about an entity, i.e., by specifying it, one
indirectly controls the range of its meaning. For each of the examples below,
the landmark determines how the trajector is construed. Thus, the event will
not involve specialists in linguistics in (63), for instance, but only health
specialists. Just the same, the patient is to receive attention in plastic surgery
and not in orthopedics in (64).
(63) O evento envolverá autoridades e especialistas em saúde. (JB – Jun.21. 2008)
(The event will involve authorities and health specialists.)
(64) O hospital São Judas Tadeu determinou o encaminhamento para o Hospital
João XXIII ou outro hospital com pronto-atendimento em cirurgia plástica.
(Estado de Minas – 30.Apr.2008)
(São Judas Tadeu Hospital determined that the patient was to be removed to
João XXIII Hospital or to another hospital with emergency attention in plastic
surgery.)
5.10.2 Shape
An object’s shape is almost certainly part of a person’s mental representation
of that object (Langacker, 1987). As the shape and the boundaries of an object
are closely related, it seems natural that the shape itself should suffice to
designate the object and its boundary (Tyler and Evans, 2003: 196), since the
boundary of an entity is usually more salient than its interior. Through
pragmatic strengthening, the use of em becomes natural even when the
landmark is a shape as in the following sample. No one would argue that
someone is walking inside a circle. It is the person just moving about with no
intended goal, coming back to the starting point again and again, such as the
perimeter of a circle, with no beginning or end. The same stands for the arch
which determines or controls the shape of the architectural work. The bridge
design is obviously not inside an arch.
(65) Depois de rodar em círculos com as mãos na cabeça ...
(After walking in a circle, head in hands, ...)
(66) [O] Viaduto Santa Tereza (...) guarda no seu desenho em arco páginas
importantes da história de Belo Horizonte. (Estado de Minas – 30.Apr.2008)
(In its design in arch, Santa Tereza Bridge keeps important pages of the history
of Belo Horizonte.)
This account is corroborated by the occurrence of em in collocation with a
more schematic notion such as shape, format or physical state:
(67) A escultura é formada por três chapas de aço, duas em forma de triângulo e
uma retangular. (Estado de Minas – Aug.05.2008)
(The sculpture consists of three blades of steel, two in the shape of a triangle
and a rectangular one.)
Alternatively, an object’s shape can be given through its internal
configuration, which does not prevent the use of the same preposition. This is
an ordinary typological aspect, related to the neuter nature of closed classes
(such as prepositions) regarding the internal constitution and the continuity
of the entities they relate (Talmy, 2000: 30).
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 40
(68) Lins chegou a se comparar a super-heróis de histórias em quadrinhos (JB –
Aug.15.2008)
(Lins even compared himself to super heroes in cartoon stories (Literally
“stories in small frames”)).
5.10.3 Material
Tyler and Evans (2003: 190) argue that the means or instrument used in a
given activity end up imposing some restriction on the way it evolves. The
same way, an object’s physical characteristics, such as the material it is made
of, ‘controls’ its final efficiency, as seen in (69) below.
(69) Himel et al. (1995) observaram maior eficiência para as limas de níquel-titânio
quando comparadas às de aço inoxidável.
(Himel et al. (1995) observed more efficiency for the nickel-titanium files when
compared to those in stainless steel.)
Once again, it is argued that the control effect motivates the non-locative use
of the same preposition. It is assumed the bronze in (70) restricts the
functionality and appearance of the sculpture.
(70) Confeccionada em bronze pelo artista plástico Ruthnac, a escultura pesa 200
quilos. (JB – Jun.21.2008)
(Made in bronze by the artist Ruthnac, the sculpture weighs 200 kilos.)
6. Conclusions from the Corpus Analysis
Table 3 summarizes the frequency of the results obtained from the analysis. It
reveals 22 groups and subgroups considered as instances of the ‘location’
sense. From these, eight belong to space domain, three to time domain, and
eleven to some other concrete or abstract domain. As proposed earlier, there
was a second group with nine non-locative categories, also in concrete and
abstract conceptual domains, related to functional effects of the CONTAINER
schema. These categories form the polysemy network of em, represented in
Figure 6.
From the analysis undertaken it was possible to conclude that the preposition
em has the cognitive function of creating connections between ideas in certain
domains, but not only so. Instead of vagueness, it could be understood that no
individual schema would cover all the uses in the network, but that, within the
limits of the corpus, it was possible to find two main kinds of relation, namely
‘location’ and ‘specification’. These two are the higher-order schemas inferred,
and whatever other meanings obtained below this level result from context.
Moreover, in its spatial instantiation in the corpus, em was found in
collocation with landmarks having the most varied geometric shapes and
internal configurations. No limit was observed concerning the spatial
orientation of the objects standing in relation, although there seems to be
some restrictions as to how far apart the trajector and the landmark can be.
This preposition only appears in constructions with a trajector situated in
41 de Araújo Oliveira
some ‘zone of interaction’ with the landmark.
Although not an overall schema, the CONTAINER schema was proposed as
the main sanctioning sense for all the other uses of em, through construal and
metaphor processes due to structural similarity and to the functional effect of
control derived from the Container/contained Relation. This decision was
taken partially based on the etymology of the word em. Cunha et al. (1991)
point to an ‘inside’ spatial sense for the Latin preposition in, considered to be
the origin of modern Portuguese em. Besides the word’s historical
background, the CONTAINER schema is part of a minor group of spatial
relations overtly expressed in language, which allow for some sort of contrast
in one or other dimension (Tyler and Evans, 2003: 48-49), such as in various
uses of sobre (on) and sob (under) on the vertical axis. Intuitively, this makes
it easier to identify the limits to the use of a spatial preposition. In the sense of
‘inside’, em contrasts with fora de (outside). Furthermore, although spatial
uses with tridimensional landmarks were fewer than expected, the
CONTAINER schema is the most common in the whole network.
Contextual differences are also represented in the diagram proposed here, and
although they may not count as different senses, their presence in the network
helps us understand some interconnections among uses and among domains.
Semantic Categories
LOCATIVE
2441
SPATIAL LOCATION: 1122 = 39,89%
1. Simple location
953
2. Inclusion in a
container
42
2.1. Inclusion in a
medium
9
2.2. Inclusion of an
empty trajector
4
3. Contact
22
4. Proximity-Adjacency
8
5. Punctual location
15
6. Target of a movement
69
LOCATION IN TIME: 551 = 19.59%
1. Loc-inside an interval
85
2. Punctual loc.
453
3. End of an interval
13
86.78%
33.88%
NON-LOCATIVE
1. Control
372
13.22%
6
0.21%
1.49%
2. Specification
89
8.66%
0.32%
3. Source
45
1.60%
0,14%
0,78%
0.28%
0.53%
4. Manner
5. Instrument
6. Material
7. Color
8. Metaph.
support
9. Chunk
94
45
7
6
3.34%
1.60%
0.25%
0.21%
24
56
0.85%
1.99%
2.45%
3.02%
16.10%
0.46%
OTHER NON-SPATIAL LOCATIVE USES: 768 = 27.30%
1. Non-specific Metaph.
Loc.
120
4.27%
2. Group
41
1.46%
3. Activity
164
5.83%
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 42
4. Event
5. State-situation
6. The conduit metaphor
7. Change of state
8. Patient of a
metaphorical action
9. Target of movement
10. Target of cognitive
activity
11. Purpose
TOTAL of valid samples:
187
97
20
34
6.65%
3.45%
0.71%
1.21%
24
23
0.85%
0.82%
42
16
2813
1.49%
0.57%
100.00%
Table 3. Semantic categories obtained from the corpus and their respective frequency
43 de Araújo Oliveira
Figure 6. Schematic network of the polysemy of em.
Selected Papers from UK-CLA Meetings 44
Notes
i
ii
This author is grateful to CAPES (Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal
de Nível Superior) and FAPEMIG (Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado
de Minas Gerais) for doctoral research grants and, again to the latter for
funding her participation in this event.
Examples without source information come directly from the internet and are used
to replace more complex ones from the corpus.
iii
As in example (33), time adverbials such as nesta quinta-feira (this Thursday) often
occur without the preposition: esta quinta-feira..These adverbials usually contain
noun phrases with post-modifiers such as passado/passada (last), que vem (next),
or pre-modifiers such as este/esta or esse/essa (this).
iv
Physically it is in fact the light beams that reflect on the glass and hit the eye. Thus
the actual path would go the other way. In this case, “language reflects a still
primitive stage of knowledge” and the decisive element to linguistic coding may be
voluntary action, more clearly overt in Ela me lançou um olhar furioso (She set her
furious eyes on me.). I thank Prof. Mário Perini for this comment.
v
The word “target” here should not be confused with the English term Vandeloise
uses for “trajector”.
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